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BOSNJAČKE FAMILIJE NASELJA SULICE U 19. STOLJEĆU

Author(s): Alija Suljić,Kadefa Muhić,Salko Nukić,Dahmo Alić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 9/2023

The process of the settlement Sulice modern Bosniak families origin and development is possible to observe, based on the available historical sources, only in 19th century. The main data sources were the male population census of Kaza Srebrenica from 1850151, and the first entries of owners in land registers of Srebrenica district in 1894. By comparing the data from the sources above, as well as from the population census of 1991, it was possible to establish continuity of settlement and development of Sulice families in this part of Srebrenica municipality. In the Sulice population census from 1850/51 the following last names are mentioned: Behramovic, Bejan, Bejanovic, Haskic, Hodiic, Huremovic, Kandietovic, Kumovic, Smajic, Spahic and Sulic. By the first entries in land registers of 1894 for the cadastral municipality of Sulice a large number of last names is stated, the most common of which are: Abdurahmanovic (Hadiihafizbegovic), Ademovic, Aljkanovic, Avdic, Bajramovic, Beganovic, Begic, Begovic, Bektic, Buric, Bumbulovic, Civic (Resic), Delic, Dudic, Diananovic, Dianic, Diinovic, Efendic, Focak, Friina, Gurda, Gurdic, Halilbasic, Hasanovic, Hasic, Haskic, Hodiic, Huseinovic, Husic, Ibisevic, Ibrahimovic, Idrizovic, Imsirovic, Jahic (Kadric), Junuzagic, Kadric, Kajmakovic, Kovacevic, Kulesa, Lemes, Lolic, Mahmutovic, Mandiic, Masic, Mehic, Mehmedovic, Mehmedovic (Silajdiic), Mehanovic, Meholjic (Mehanovic), Mesic, Mostarac (Dienetic), Muhic (Mujic), Music, Mustafic, Nuhanovic, Nukic, Nukic (Begovic), Okanovic, Omerovic, Osmanovic (Kavazovic), Osmanovic (Selimovic), Palalic, Pasagic, Pinjic (Cikaric), Pitarevic, Prijepoljac, Ramic, Rustanbegovic, Salihovic, Selmanagic, Selimovic, Sirucic (Salihovic), Smajlovic, Suljic, Sumbulovic, Sarvan, Secic, Sehic, Solic (Sulic), Spijodic, Tankovic, Tepic, Ustic, Uzunovic, Vranjkovina, Zildiic, Zimic, Zulo (Agicevic). Only those families who lived in the Sulice settlement in the second half of the 19th century have been researched in this paper. Those are the following families: Abdurahmanovics (Hadiihafizbegovic), Alics, Aljkanovics, Avdics, Bajramovics (Behramovic), Begovics, Bejans, Bejanovics, Bektics, Burics, Diinovics, Haskics, Hodiics, Huseinovics, Imsirovics, Kadrics, Kandietovics, Kulesas, Mehanovics (Kandietovic), Mujkics, Musics, Mustafics (Dervanovic), Mustafics (Spahic), Nuhanovics, Nukics, Osmanovics (Selimovic), Pejmanovics, Sahadiics, Selimovics (Huremovic), Selimovics (Kumovic), Smajlovics, Suljics (Smajic), Sarvans, Solics and Spijodics. Most male members who had been listed in 1850/51 census in the Sulice settlement had their descendants, either male or female, who continued their family, i.e. genetic lineage, thus preserving their family and genetic heritage. Some families, such as Alics, Abdurahmanovics, Haskics, Kadrics, Kandietovics, Mehanovics, Nuhanovics, Selimovics, etc. were more numerous than others, due to either greater natural increase or less emigration outside the Sulice settlement. However, it was not possible to research the impact of migration on the overall Sulice population growth because it was not a part of the official policy of neither Ottoman nor Austro-Hungarian Empire. On the contrary, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy made an effort to minimize the extent of Muslim emigration from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1879 to 1918 because this did not work in its favour considering the commitments it had made during the Berlin Congress in 1878. It is important to note that most male members of the Sulice settlement families, who had been listed in 1850/51 census, took their family name (last name) at the end of the 19th century or at the beginning of the 20th century because it was mandatory during the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while during the Ottoman Empire rule it was not. The phenomenon of formation of family names (last names) for the wider area of the Osat region was not specifically researched, thus not in this paper either, because the topic of this paper has been to research the process of formation of the individual families in the Sulice settlement in the second half of the 19th century. Based on this this process it is possible to notice that most families, who have a common ancestor, kept their common family name, i.e. last name.

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POLITICAL LEADERSHIP AND PRESERVATION OF NATIONAL PRIORITIES (ON THE EXAMPLE OF GENERAL PRIMO DE RIVERA)

Author(s): Tatyana Dimitrova / Language(s): English Issue: 9/2023

Spain did not take part in the First World War (1914-1918), but its political consequences were reflected in the subsequent crisis that gripped the entire Spanish society. The post-war economic crisis led to an increase in social tension (emergence of inflationary processes, reduction in the supply of basic necessities, low wage growth) and to the strengthening of nationalism. The economic crisis further exacerbates social conflicts and disrupts the social structure of society. The problem in Morocco is also contributing to the country's financial deficit and exacerbating existing problems. Added to this was the political instability and ministerial crises of the period 1917-1923. The constitutional monarchy made efforts to maintain the status quo, but internal and external conflicts strongly affected the stability of the institution. General elections were held four times and eleven different governments were formed. It is the crisis of the parliamentary system that creates opportunities for changes in the Spanish political system. All this leads the country to a political impasse, which the military in the person of General Primo de Rivera takes advantage of. The intervention of the army in the political life of Spain is an attempt to resolve the conflicts among the rulers, but the crisis deepens not only in Parliament, but also in society. Constant contradictions give rise to hatred of politics. The army takes the responsibility (thus the king hides from the responsibility) of rearranging the political system or building a new one and meets the approval of the majority of the society, which is ready for political reorganization. The conditions in the country are ready for a coup, the main actors are needed who will go down in history and who will take advantage of the situation to take power. The man who takes a tougher stance, as well as the challenge of running the country after a series of failed governments, is General Primo de Rivera. He established a dictatorship and ruled Spain from 1923-1930. The coup was carried out on the 13th of September 1923. Then General Primo de Rivera issued a Manifesto, which was an address to the army and society and marked the main responsibilities and commitments that were undertaken for implementation. The civilian government of the dictatorship began an active economic and social policy. It was largely successful and coincided with the worldwide economic boom of the mid-1920s. Reforms were also undertaken in the social, educational and military systems. Changes are taking place in both political and ecclesiastical life. Attempts are being made to resolve the regional problem and the existing situation in Morocco. There are also innovations in relations with the republics of Latin America. In view of later historical developments, it is clear that this regime could not have lasted long, but in a sense it became the basis of the subsequent “new state” regime after 1939. The time frame of the two dictatorships is long enough and the parallels and the events are different, but some ideas, institutions and even politicians in power in 1939 inherited the dictatorial years of 1923-1930. This coincides with the transformations that occurred in many European countries after the end of the First World War. The administration of General Primo de Rivera left an imprint on the historical development of Spain and served as an example for many European countries, including the Balkans.

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SLOVENCI U ANTIFAŠISTIČKOJ BORBI U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI I IZGRADNJI FEDERATIVNIH OSNOVA JUGOSLAVIJE (1941-1945)

Author(s): Safet Bandžović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 9/2023

Understanding the socio-historical processes after the April War of 1941 and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia presupposes a deeper knowledge of opposing national perspectives since 1918, when this country was created, of the events between the two world wars, as well as their multidimensional characters, since they largely determined wartime polarizations and alignments. The Second World War is one of the most problematic historical periods in the post-Yugoslav area, from a scientific and political point of view. With numerous relief and insufficiently explored components, it still belongs to the so-called "hot memory". The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1941 was greeted by its peoples and political subjects with different visions of whether (and if so: how) a new Yugoslavia should be established. The anti-fascist struggle was led by a partisan movement with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) playing a dominant role. Each Yugoslavia ("old" and "new") also meant "a new constitutional concept of the relationship between its main peoples/political groups” (Dejan Jovic). The history of the Slovenes, wrote Edvard Kardelj at the end of the thirties of the 20th century, "is nothing but a long chain of oppression and trampling of a small nation”. After the First World War (the “Great War”), the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the collapse of Austria-Hungary divided the Slovenes among four countries. The parcelization of the Slovenian ethnic space did not end there. The territory of Slovenia (Drava Banovina) after the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1941 was divided between Germany, Italy and Hungary, into six parts, with different administrative regimes. The Slovenian people were torn apart, humiliated, threatened with destruction and disappearance from the ethnic map of Europe. This people was one of “the most fragmented in Europe and all the occupiers planned to wipe it out through persecution, assimilation and denationalization. Research on refugees and exile is closely related to issues of human rights, nationalism, genocide and ethnocide. This issue has a humanitarian, political, legal and moral dimension. Part of the exiled Slovenes also came to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941, which was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Slovenes have a specific place in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the 19th century. They also contributed to the development of the National Liberation Movement ( NOP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by acting in an illegal revolutionary movement and partisan units, as well as participating in the constitution of the new government and defining the future internal structure of post-war Yugoslavia. The war in the territory of occupied Yugoslavia was, among other things, a civil war that destroyed the idea that this monarchist state can be restored in the form in which it was created in 1918. The ranks of the NOP included Slovenians who lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war, as well as those who came as exiles in 1941. Major events related to the construction of the “new” Yugoslavia took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which Slovenians participated, important for the history of Slovenia as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina. By actively participating in the anti-fascist war, the engagement and visions of their prominent representatives at the top of the NOP (Edvard Kardelj and others) and in the activities of the AVNOJ in 1943, determining and making its landmark decisions, the Slovenians had a significant share in the victory and establishment of a new, federal the Yugoslav state and the construction of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Complex Yugoslav federalism, with scattered forms and models, represented a specific historical phenomenon.

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PROMJENA VLASNIŠTVA VAKUFA NA PODRUČJU GORNJEG RAHIĆA U SOCIJALISTIČKOM PERIODU (1945-1990)

Author(s): Izet Šabotić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 9/2023

One of the important measures of the communist government after the Second World War was the change of ownership of private property and the property of religious communities. For the mentioned changes in the field of ownership, numerous regulations were passed, which related to the nationalization, confiscation and expropriation of real estate. The regulations were for the purpose of the legitimate action of the state in terms of changing the ownership of real estate. With these measures, the entire waqf property, which until then was outside the scope of state interventions regarding the change of ownership, came under attack. The aforementioned processes were carried out in a short period of time and very radically, whereby in many cases the established legal procedures adopted by the communist authorities were not followed. Through nationalization, confiscation and expropriation, significant property of the Islamic community in Bosnia and Herzegovina was usurped. The usurpation of property significantly weakened the Islamic community economically, which had an impact on the work of its most important institutions. Due to additional government measures, the most important religious and educational institutions of the Islamic community, such as madrasahs and sharia courts, ceased to exist, while the number of schools was significantly reduced. With the usurpation of property, the Islamic community lost a significant economic support, which had an impact on its further functioning and influence on the wider masses, which to a good extent were very quickly affected by the process of atheism, which was one of the important goals of the communist government. The Islamic community in the Brcko region had significant waqf property at its disposal. It was about various properties, which were of great importance in the religious, educational, economic and social segments in the places where the waqfs were located. The Islamic community in the area of the municipality of Gornji Rahic, which was located in the Brcko region at the time, had significant waqf real estate, especially land holdings. Until the establishment of the communist government, they were used to support religious buildings in this area. With the establishment of the new government, according to the available data of a significant land area, four waqfs in this area were hit by the measures of the new communist government. It was about the foundation of the Gornji Rahic mosque, the foundation of the Ogratlenovac mosque, the foundation of the Iptidaija school in Gornji Rahic and the Fatima Kujundzic foundation. The aforementioned waqfs came under attack based on the Law on Agrarian Reform and Colonization, because they had more land than was determined by the said regulation. Therefore, already in 1946, the government carried out the process of expropriation of the land of the mentioned waqfs and took a total of 66 dunums of land and 320 m 2 from them, while leaving a total of 17 dunums and 532 m 2 of land to the Islamic community, i.e. the mosque waqf in Gornji Rahic. The Islamic community sent a series of complaints to the competent institutions regarding this attitude of the authorities, which were not accepted. So it was left without an important economic basis necessary for its continued existence. The aforementioned expropriated land was included in the land fund as state property, which was allocated to various users: agrarian interests, agricultural cooperatives and other state institutions. It is interesting that the waqf property, which had the status of a cemetery (cemetery), was the subject of expropriation in this case. In the process of cadastral marking of expropriated land, numerous mistakes were made, which in the later period represented a problem in the implementation of the process of registering the allocated land in the ownership of agrarian stakeholders. The mentioned problem in the paper is treated on a micro level, but the available facts indicate that it was an established practice of the communist government, which was widely used immediately after the Second World War, related to the change of property ownership of religious communities, including the Islamic community. In this way, the economic strength of the Islamic community was significantly reduced, which will have an impact on its overall status in the time of socialism, which was also shown in the example of the usurpation of the Islamic community's waqf in the municipality of Gornji Rahic in Brcko county.

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THE EDUCATION OF ALBANIANS IN YUGOSLAVIA AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR UNTIL 1974.

Author(s): Kosovar Basha / Language(s): English Issue: 9/2023

The paper carefully deals with the constitutional aspect and the development of education in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis - Albanians. After the Second World War, Yugoslavia faced numerous problems both politically and economically. The first reforms that this country had to undergo initially required help from countries such as the Soviet Union. Among the first steps to be taken were the legislative reforms undertaken in 1946 by adjusting the Yugoslav Constitution. This constitution sanctioned important aspects of the political, economic, educational and cultural life of the country. The political life after the Second World War in Yugoslavia had undergone radical changes making it possible for countries like Macedonia to become independent states or to be created from scratch. The only country which was politically eliminated in this aspect was Kosovo, which was left under Serbia from 1945. By oppressing Kosovo politically in all aspects of life, Serbia exercised a segregationist policy towards the Albanian people of Kosovo. Harsh measures were exercised against the Albanian minority, including their relocation to Turkey through various Yugoslav-Turkish agreements, the imprisonment of many political personalities, etc. Political rights of expression were denied and political pressure continued at the national level. These forms were present continuously and did not stop until 1968 when the political situation began to change. Indeed, the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia made good use of the political circumstances after 1968 when, in general demonstrations in all the cities of Kosovo, they opted for more national rights and requested the establishment of the University of Prishtina. Non-Albanian minorities were included in the Yugoslav republics in all spheres of life. Since they were not in large numbers, their presence was not revealed apart from the Hungarians. The Hungarian minority also began to enjoy greater rights with the amendment of several articles of the constitutions of 1946, 1953, 1963 and 1974. The presence of Hungarian schools was evident with several such schools and a lot of students who were allowed to use and be instructed in their mother tongue. Other small minorities such as Russians, Bulgarians, Germans and others were few in number. The Albanian population in Yugoslavia was distributed across several republics such as Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and to a lesser extent Croatia and Slovenia. Political power in Yugoslavia which was largely led by Serbs until 1966 through the iron hand of Alexander Rankovic did not allow the Albanians to even use their national flag and to express any kind of dissatisfaction through various demonstrations or manifestations. The period between 1966-1974 was decisive for Albanians in Yugoslavia, especially since many important steps were taken in political terms, such as the replacement of Serbian politicians with Albanians, the establishment of many different schools and the massification of higher education in general. The Yugoslav constitutions with their reforms changed the direction of comprehensive development of political, social, economic and cultural life for all non-Albanian and Albanian minorities in Yugoslavia. The author has followed the descriptive and analytical scientific methods for dealing with this important issue for general historiography. A serious Yugoslav and Albanian literature covering this socially and scientifically important study has been used.

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REFLEKSIJE POLITIČKOG ORGANIZIRANJA BOŠNJAKA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE NA BOŠNJAKE SANDŽAKA I DIJASPORE 1990-1991.

Author(s): Admir Lisica / Language(s): English Issue: 9/2023

The political organization of Bosniaks dates back to the beginning of the twentieth century, more precisely in 1906, when a group of Bosniak intellectuals formed the first political party called the Muslim People's Organization. As a result of the global political upheavals that affected most of Europe, certain decisions of international officials (primarily the Congress of Berlin in 1878) from the end of the nineteenth century complicated the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the Bosniaks. Realizing that through political activism they can defend their own interests in the newly emerging constellation of relations, Bosniak dignitaries led by Ali-beg Firdus and other dignitaries began a demanding political struggle. The scope of Bosniak politics at that time was extremely limited, as were the political organizations and representatives of Bosniaks in the years after, in contrast to the end of the twentieth century when politically organized Bosniaks managed to restore their national name Bosniak, the Bosnian language, but also democratically fight for an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. Namely, during the twentieth century, the political development of Bosniaks can be traced, which at the beginning of the nineties experienced a kind of culmination in the context of the achieved results. In that process, two years can be considered extremely important in the context of the political organization of Bosniaks in the period of the beginning of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. and those are definitely 1990 and 1991. The first year (1990) is important because of the officialization of political pluralism in the country at that time, while during 1991 processes took place that would not only change the everyday life of Bosniaks, but also the whole of Yugoslavia. The Bosniaks saw the introduction of democratic principles into daily life in Yugoslavia as an opportunity for renewed political organization, which was imposed as a logical sequence of the circumstances of a nation in the postcommunist period. The formation of the first Bosniak political party during the nineties - the Party of Democratic Action - SDA, started the Bosniak struggle for equality, but also the preservation of the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina within Yugoslavia, and later as an independent state. The aim of the paper is to present the way of the initial political organization of Bosniaks due to the new political reality in Yugoslavia, with a focus on Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandiak, with an overview of organizing throughout the Bosniak diaspora. In historiography, the role of the Bosniak diaspora in the context of the original political organization during the nineties has often been unfairly neglected. The Bosniak diaspora carefully followed all events in Yugoslavia, and tried to be a part of them in all available ways. The beginning of political organizing among Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandiak was followed with great attention, and Bosniak political activists from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sanjak often went together on tours throughout the diaspora, with the aim of including Bosniaks outside their homeland in important processes that then took place in Yugoslavia. The political struggle of Bosniaks in Sanjak, about which the Bosnian public knows very little, took place almost parallel to the one in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The political representatives of Bosniaks from Sanjak experienced various forms of segregation by the Great Serbian regime from Belgrade, as evidenced by various official documents and other sources, which were used in the preparation of this work. According to the above, there is a need to research such a topic, which has the task of encouraging other authors to investigate this period in more detail. In the context of the methodology of the work, it is worth noting that the work will primarily contain the thematic and chronological methods, with the use of other methods for which the need arises, for the purpose of improving the quality of the work. The paper before you is not the final letter on the mentioned topic, but an attempt to answer some important and unavoidable questions from the beginning of the nineties of the last century, in the context of the political history of Bosniaks.

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SOCIJALNO-STATUSNI POLOŽAJ BRANITELJKI ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Meldijana Arnaut Haseljić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 9/2023

The bilateral aggression perpetrated on the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina by its eastern and western neighbors produced the need for the defense of the state, its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Projected plans provided for the appropriation of territories, and alternatively the annexation of certain areas. Armed conflicts caused the commission of numerous war crimes, crimes against humanity and international law against the civilian population. In order to prevent the complete destruction of those who feel and perceive Bosnia and Herzegovina as their homeland, and the execution of genocide on the entire territory of the country, the bare-handed population selforganized. In the very beginnings, the organization was realized in the form of street guards armed with hunting rifles and1or personal pistols, which gradually grew into organizing at the local level, and by being integrated into the structure of the Territorial Defense of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which became the backbone of the creation of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Army represented the only official armed force of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the goal of protecting the territorial integrity of the state, citizens, economic, cultural and other assets. In the ranks of the Army there were also 5,360 members of the fairer sex who showed enough courage to put themselves at their disposal in a personal capacity in the most difficult moments of the decisive defense of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state. Among them, special piety goes to the winners of the Golden Lily award - 13 of them. A special honor and respect goes to a special group of women - those who, then, at a time when many were hiding and looking for a way to leave not only the defense line but also the homeland, voluntarily joined the ranks of the Army in order to participate and contribute to the fight for survival, whether they found themselves in combat units on the front line, penetrating enemy lines as saboteurs, scouts, unit commanders, nurses, or engaged in logistical and affiliated units, unit commands. Some of them did not see their freedom. Where are the brave women defenders today? The answer to this question is the topic of the conducted empirical research presented in the titled text, which contains the results of the processes carried out so far in the construction of the culture of memory, as well as the positioning of female volunteers/defenders in legal norms. These are two crucial centers of gravity that position female volunteers/defenders in today's sociological reality.

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SNAJPERSKO DJELOVANJE U SARAJEVU U PERIODU OPSADE 1992-1995.

Author(s): Zilha Mastalić Košuta / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 9/2023

The area of Sarajevo at the beginning of April 1992 was violently divided. Units of the 4th Corps of the 2nd Military District of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA), the armed forces that were gathered and supported the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) as well as many local and foreign volunteers and mercenaries occupied strategic positions in and around Sarajevo. Open armed aggression began after Bosnia and Herzegovina was recognized as an international independent state. After that, Sarajevo was blocked and put under siege for almost four years. After the partial withdrawal of the JNA from Bosnia and Herzegovina, the 2nd Military District of the JNA was transformed into a part of the Army of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (VSr RBiH), from August 1992 under the name of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS). Through the transformation, the 4th Corps of the JNA became the Sarajevo-Romanian Corps (SRK) VSr RBiH. In the period of the four-year siege of Sarajevo, in order to control Sarajevo, the said forces carried out a “coordinated systematic and long-term campaign of shelling and sniping” in order to “kill, maim, injure and terrorize the civilian population of Sarajevo”. In addition to artillery attacks, which were the most widespread way in which the inhabitants of Sarajevo were killed, another frequent way of killing was sniper attacks. The sniper clearly sees his victim and kills him with intent. Residents of Sarajevo were intentional victims of sniper attacks and were not safe anywhere. Without water, electricity, gas and other necessities of life, the residents fought a daily struggle for bare survival. It was a day and night fight for survival. Cruel individual and mass murders of civilians, including those of the youngest residents, followed by daily wounding, terrorizing, violations of psychological integrity, illegal actions and others, are part of the crimes committed against the inhabitants of Sarajevo in the period 1992-1995. years. Guided primarily by the verdicts and documents of the International Tribunal for War Crimes in The Hague, as well as other relevant archival documents and the statements and expertise of experts, the author shows in her work what the sniping campaign meant. A very important part is the display and description of the types of weapons that were used in such operations, as well as the description of localities and parts of the city from which snipers were most often used. Based on these data, it is very clear to see what the daily life of the inhabitants of the city under siege looked like. The organization of sniper training as well as the places where the training was conducted and in what way are also important parts of the work. The demand and delivery of sniper weapons and ammunition to the SarajevoRomania Corps, as well as the identities of the snipers, as well as hired mercenaries and volunteers from other countries, are parts of the work presented by the author. Based on the examples of the victims of sniping, primarily the killing of children, it is clear that the enemy's goal was to kill civilians with intent, directly and in a targeted manner. In this section, the investigated and identified minor victims of sniper attacks as well as the circumstances of the murder are presented in chronological order. As a clear indication that the sniper's intention was to kill them or seriously injure them with permanent consequences, the parts of the body that were hit, which are very often the head, the area around the heart, the stomach, and the lungs, are also shown. In the final part of the paper, the emphasis is on the prosecution and nonprosecution of persons responsible for crimes committed by snipers, before domestic and international courts. Although there is irrefutable evidence of sniper killings of Sarajevo residents, very few or no indictments are filed against those responsible. The direct perpetrators - snipers, who killed the inhabitants of Sarajevo with intent, have not yet been brought to justice and convicted of the crime.

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ZLOČIN NA TUZLANSKOJ KAPIJI: HISTORIJSKE ČINJENICE, REAKCIJE I NEGIRANJE ODGOVORNOSTI

Author(s): Merisa Karović-Babić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 9/2023

The cities of Bosnia and Herzegovina that were in the period 1992-1995. were under siege or surrounded by Serbian forces, were exposed to continuous mortar and artillery attacks from positions controlled by the VRS. Locations that were regarded as mass gathering places for people, such as markets, squares, schools, kindergartens, children's parks, hospitals, city transport vehicles were very often the targets of sudden shelling, which resulted in mass killings of civilians. Exactly the same methods were applied by the Serbian forces in all the cities that were declared safe zones by the United Nations. In this paper, applying a historical approach, the massacre at the Tuzla Gate was analyzed on May 25, 1995, which was one of the saddest days in the history of the city of Tuzla, when 71 civilians were killed and 173 civilians were wounded by shrapnel from a grenade fired from the direction of Ozren. , which represents the largest number of victims and the most massive crime from a single shell during the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition to the indispensable interpretation of the political and military context at the time of the crime at the Tuzla Gate, and the then-current NATO attacks on the positions of the VRS, the work also deals with the analysis of the minutes of the investigation of the Prosecutor's Office and the Security Service Center of the MUP of RBiH, the investigative actions of the United Nations carried out on the ground the places immediately after the crime, the daily reports of UNPROFOR, as well as the reactions that followed this crime. Immediately after the massacre, representatives of investigative bodies, the Municipality of Tuzla, archival institutions, journalists, intellectuals and citizens of Tuzla made a significant contribution in documenting the facts of the crime committed. On the first anniversary of the massacre, 5/25/1996. In the book The Dawn Murder, photographs and short biographical data with a lot of emotional content about each victim, their occupation, an exact description of the circumstances of the crime, as well as the exact place where they were at the time of the crime were published. The smiles in the photos full of liveliness are forever stopped in their interrupted youth, but through the mentioned book, as well as through the permanent exhibition of the Kapija Memorial Center, they continue to live permanently in the memories of their fellow citizens of Tuzla, Bosnians and Herzegovina, with a message to future generations: You don't just live here to live, one does not live here only to die, one dies here to live. Respecting everything that the people of Tuzla have done in terms of memorialization of crimes, collective memory and memory, the mentioned activities can certainly serve as an example to other cities, where civilians were killed in the same or similar way. The Archives of the Tuzla Canton have important materials about the massacre, such as the “Tuzlanska Kapija” Collection of documents, and I am extremely grateful to the management and collaborators of the Archives for allowing me access to the said documentation. The judgment in the Dukic case (2009, 2010 and 2014) also offered very significant answers to crucial questions regarding the direction of the shelling, as well as the responsibility of Novak Dukic and TG Ozren for the aforementioned criminal offense, in which the aforementioned issues are discussed in an argumentative manner, with plenty of evidence. . Without major ambitions to enter into a discussion about the complexity of the mentioned case in relation to the question of how Dukic, even without having served his prison sentence, found himself free, we note that there was a lot of discussion about the incorrect application of the law (CZ BiH 2003-CZ SFRY 1976) regarding the height punishments, while the facts established in the Judgment were not called into question. The documentation that was used in the Dukic case was also available to me for research. It was extremely important to analyze the aforementioned material from the point of view of historians, and I am also very grateful to the associates of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina for providing it. A special research focus in this paper relates to the contextualization of the mentioned crime, the clarification of what preceded the massacre itself, as well as the reactions that followed. The paper is structured into five chapters, which deal with the circumstances that preceded the massacre at the Tuzla Gate, the killing of youth on Youth Day, investigations after the massacre, reactions and military intervention, while the final chapter discusses the revision of historical facts and the denial of the court verdict in the case. Novak Djukic.

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Георги Николов Делчев (1872 – 1903) – политическият войн в българското национално пространство

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Георги Николов Делчев (1872 – 1903) – политическият войн в българското национално пространство

Author(s): Dimitar Tyulekov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2022

In the liberation movement of the Macedonian-Adrianople Bulgarians, i.e., in the second stage of the development of the Bulgarian national revolution, Georgi (Gotse) Nikolov Delchev was a classic example of a political warrior. He is the creator of the illegal army of the Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization (IMARO), he is the universally recognized apostle of the Bulgarians subject to the Ottoman Empire. Everywhere Gotse is the same – as a self sacrificing revolutionary, and as a national leader who knows the heart of his people, and also as an ideologue with geopolitical insights. Until 1944, two generations of Bulgarians carefully preserved the authentic memory of him. Since then, with the imposition of the Serb-communist regime and the creation of the new Macedonian nation within Tito’s Yugoslavia, historical time began to flow backwards for the Bulgarians there. The new realities near Vardar excluded the authentic memory of Gotse Delchev and replaced it with a new, ideologized Macedonian image. That is why the Bulgarian political warrior is actually alive today and continues to fight. This battle will continue to run parallel to the deepening of the political processes in the Republic of Northern Macedonia and its slow break with the communist past. Because Gotze’s personality and work are not subject to compromise formulations, artificial division and historical-documentary falsifications.

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Georgi Nikolov Delchev (1872 – 1903) – the political warrior in the Bulgarian national space

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Georgi Nikolov Delchev (1872 – 1903) – the political warrior in the Bulgarian national space

Author(s): Dimitar Tyulekov / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

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Полковник Борис Дрангов. Един живот, посветен на България

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Полковник Борис Дрангов. Един живот, посветен на България

Author(s): Aleksander Vachkov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2022

The article presents life and activities of Colonel Boris Drangov. Based on documentary sources, the text traces his early years, the education he received until entering The Military School, his service as an officer, his involvement into the struggles for liberation of Macedonia. In addition to the officially documented activities of Drangov, the memories of the architect Văčko Hadživăčkov, grandfather of the author of the article, are also included. The hitherto unpublished memoirs reproduce some important moments of Drangov’s life, conveyed through the personal impressions and attitude of the then young Hadživăčkov.

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Българското политическо и етническо присъствие в земите на дн. Албания и Гръцки Епир (VII – XV в.)

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Българското политическо и етническо присъствие в земите на дн. Албания и Гръцки Епир (VII – XV в.)

Author(s): Tervel Popov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2022

Large part of today’s Albania and Greek Epirus spent the period between mid 9th century and 1018 with in the borders of the Bulgarian Khanat/Tsardom. These lands were integrated in the militaryadministrative and ecclesiastical organization of Bulgaria during theearly medieval period and had significant place in the overall process of Christianization and enlightenment after the conversion into Christianity. Among the important towns and fortresses in these lands were Devol, Glavinitsa, Drach (modern Durrës, Albania), Kanina, Belgrade (modern Berat, Albania), Koprinishta and others. After the restoration of the Bulgarian Tsardom (12th – 14th c.) Albania and Greek Epirus were under its rule only for short periods but large number of Bulgarian population continued to inhabit these lands.

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Яворов и националноосвободителното движение в Македония

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Яворов и националноосвободителното движение в Македония

Author(s): Julia Zlatkova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2022

The paper examines the participation of the poet Peyo Yavorov in the liberation struggle of the Bulgarians in Macedonia and the Balkan Wars. It analyzes his publications on the Macedonian Question and his relationships with prominent leaders of the Macedonian revolutionary movement like Goce Delchev, Yane Sandanski, and Todor Alexandrov. Some political delusions of the poet that were shared by the whole Bulgarian society are discussed. The paper emphasizes humanism and universal dimensions of Yavorov’s revolutionary activity, and not so much his patriotism and dedication to the national cause, which is typical for his image in the historiography.

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SHORT ADDENDA TO AN ENDLESS CYCLE

Author(s): Alice Popescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 28/2022

The present article is a sequel to “Les archives de la répression ou la répression en utilisant les archives. Le “dossier” Vintilă Horia aujourd’hui (“The Archives of Repression or the Repression through Archives. The Vintilă Horia “Case” Nowadays”), published by the author in 2016 on the matter of the exiled Romanian writer’s alleged youthful membership to the Iron Guard. Ever since, new developments regarding the reception of the writer’s work in Romania as well as the emergence of new data on his political beliefs in the aftermath of the 1960 Goncourt incident have called for further specifications.

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THE CALENDAR IN THE PRESS DURING THE GREAT UNION PERIOD

Author(s): Mihaela Racovițeanu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 28/2022

The theme of the study was established considering the librarianship field and the goal consists in the research of serial documents by exploring the advertising for the calendar, as a bibliographic unit, in the press during the Great Union period. The period after the First World War and the context of the Great Union is the beginning of the European modernity, when high-impact political, economic and social measures have been taken in order to strengthen the union and what has been gained from it; therefore, the period 1918-1921 can be named the period of the Great Union. Romania wanted to subscribe to European modernity, but an obstacle was the high level of illiteracy among the population. To correct the situation, they turned to literacy and then the authorities applied policies of mass culture. The popularization of culture was also done through publishing products, the book having an overwhelming role, but it is important to know if the calendar also played a role in this process, if there was a promotion of this type of document in the press and how the promotion was being made. The info-documentary study includes the most representative newspapers from the period 1918-1921: Adevărul 1919-1921, Universul, 1918-1921 and Gazeta Bucureștilor 1918 and also the bibliographic magazine Gazeta cărților 1921. The way the calendar as document was reflected in the press, 100 years ago, it provides information on the popularization of culture and a certain perspective of the era, from socio-cultural point of view.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE STUDY OF HISTORIOGRAPHY

Author(s): Ştefan Lifa / Language(s): English Issue: 28/2022

A first problem in the historical study is that of the way of presenting the events, of the historical facts. There are several factors that determine this way of presenting. There are also various points of view regarding the evolution of the society and the division in various periods of the society's history. We tried to refer to them.

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REDEFINING POLITICAL CORRECTNESS

Author(s): Alina Turtă / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 28/2022

Is the concept of Political Correctness still noble or not? Has it ever been this way? One of the questions that mostly receives two different answers, even though its reality has marked entire ages of thoughts and events from the easiest to the most complicated ones. As far as one can tell about the controversy of the not so old, nor so recent challenging status of PC it seems that it has been disputed, analyzed and criticised by many political parties and by means of various perspectives. The results may also vary according to the purpose and intention of each seeker and ours had defined its true origins and roots closer to a similar movement.

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THE CONTRIBUTION OF BISHOP TEODOSIE ATANASIU, A PROMINENT FIGURE OF THE ROMAN BISHOPRIC, DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR IN ROMAN COUNTY

Author(s): Elena-Diana Spiridon / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 28/2022

This article is presenting the perspectives regarding the contribution of the Romanian Orthodox Church was an active participant, within its competences, in the War of National Unification. Bishop Teodosie Atanasiu pastored the Roman Episcopate for 11 years, making an important contribution to the events related to the First World War and the Great Union of 1918, given that the great battles of Mărăști, Mărășești and Oituz took place in the jurisdiction of the bishop. A significant contribution of Bishop Teodosie Atanasiu during the First World War remains the training of monks and nuns in monasteries as nurses in field hospitals. He was always with our soldiers, at the same time urging priests and believers in the diocese to collect clothing and war supplies. Collections of money and food were organized for the Romanian army, for war orphans and widows, many collections were organized from 1913 until the end of the First World War. All these collections were promptly answered by the archdiocese of the Roman Episcopate, who, with the help of priests, either from villages or towns, with the help of the faithful, succeeded and raised sums of money and products. He took care of the hospitals in the area where many were injured.

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De la Țepeș la Brâncuși ... sau povestea unei expoziții eveniment

Author(s): Ginel Lazăr / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 34/2022

In the autumn of 2022, between the 16th of September and the 22nd of October, in the halls of the former Gabroveni inn, which currently hosts the Centre for Cultural Projects of the Municipality of Bucharest (ARCUB), was opened for the public interested in the old Romanian culture an exhibition with a large thematic and impressive through the quality, the diversity and the multitude of the displayed cultural goods. The exhibition reflects the identity and the structure of the heritage collections gathered throughout his life by Mr. Emilian Radu, one of the most passionate Romanian collectors. Its title was: From Ţepeş to Brȃncuşi. Five centuries of history and culture in the Romanian space. Exhibition of maps, books, documents and images from the collections of Emilian Radu. The composition of the thematic collections (documents, old books, maps and images) was not casual and followed the chronological succession of the historical development of the Romanian civilization in the ancient space of Dacia, from the medieval age until contemporaneity. The presentation of the creation process of Mr. Emilian Radu’s collections and of their valorization, either museographically or scientifically, represents no less than the redefining of the concept of collectionism, as a natural phenomenon of the society we live in. The exhibition which is the subject of this article is an integral part of a cherished project of collector Emilian Radu, carried out throughout the last three years and in which were involved several specialists of the National History Museum of Romania (NHMR). At the same time, through the care of the NHMR’s management, the project was also given an exhibition dimension. It is now the time to firmly declare that the greatest museum of the country has once again fulfilled its main duty, by supporting an ambitious project, so necessary for the Romanian contemporary culture.

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