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Przemoc seksualna związana z konfliktem (CRSV) w wojnie rosyjsko-ukraińskiej

Author(s): Aleksandra Gasztold,Kornela Oblińska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2022

This article analyses confl ict-related sexual violence (CRSV) in the Russia––Ukraine war. CRSV is a form of violence that affects men and women differently because of their assigned roles in society. Despite the existence of basic structural solutions to gender equality and limited female empowerment in Russia and Ukraine, the war is a symptom of unresolved problems and deep gender prejudice. The authors address the question of whether femininity and masculinity are correlated with the cruelty of war and with the redistribution of militarism through the prism of gender-sensitive confl ict analysis (GSCA). This approach enables a more comprehensive understanding of various forms of violence against men and women, identifi es problems and measures to counter them and shows different types of violence used to hold on to and exercise power in the public and private spheres. To understand contemporary events in the Russia–Ukraine confl ict, one can assume that many decisions not only affect gender but also condition it.

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Ukrainian-Polish Partner Cities’ Cooperation during the 2022 War

Author(s): Olga Bogorodetska / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2022

The cooperation of Polish and Ukrainian partner cities has changed significantly since the beginning of the war in Ukraine in 2022. Traditional widely spread cultural programmes and projects were displaced by humanitarian assistance. Ukrainian cities (authorities) and the entire Ukrainian society affected by the war received the support mostly from Poland. The following research shows how cooperation between Polish-Ukrainian partner cities has changed in terms of law, areas of cooperation, the geography of the expanded partnership, and forms and types of assistance since 24 February 2022. Selected examples of partnership cooperation between Ukrainian-Polish cities are analysed taking account of a significant number of initiatives and programmes.

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Образ Українського Козацтва в Брошурі Пантелеймона Куліша «Крашанка Русинам і Полякам на Великдень 1882 Року»

Author(s): Iryna Adamska / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 4/2022

In 1882, one of the most famous figures of the Ukrainian nation’s nineteenth-century revival, Panteleimon Kulish, published a work entitled ‘A Painted Egg for the Ruthenians and the Poles at Easter 1882’. In his work, he called on Poles and Ukrainians to establish dialogue and reconciliation, a prerequisite for which should be a critical rethinking of the well-established historical views of both peoples. To this end, Kulish devoted considerable space to the Cossacks and haidamakas. This article analyses the image of the Cossacks on painted Easter eggs. It also examines the evolution of Kulish’s historical views and the circumstances under which they took place, traces how they were manifested in his scientific works and considers the circumstances of the publication of his work. His strong criticism of the Cossacks and haidamakas corresponded to his views on Ukraine’s history at that time, although the decision to express it publicly was made for political reasons, to reconcile the Ukrainians with the Poles. To convince readers of his views, Kulish critically reinterpreted sources from the Cossack era and criticised both the Cossacks generally and specific historical figures, as well as some events of the early modern era. Kulish’s position was criticised by other representatives of the Ukrainian national movement. The reaction of the Polish political elite and intellectuals also failed to meet his expectations. As a result, disappointed by the ineffectiveness of his political manifesto, the Ukrainian intellectual gave up his efforts to strengthen Polish-Ukrainian dialogue.

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Польща і Поляки в політичній стратегії ОУН (1929–1942)

Author(s): Ołeksandr Zajcew / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 4/2022

In the 1930s, the political strategy implemented by the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) contained various projects for solving the ‘Polish question’ during the future national revolution: from the forced repatriation of colonists resettled in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia in the 1920s and 1930s to the ‘final solution’ of the question by exterminating some of the Poles and expelling the rest to their ethnic lands. The last concept, proposed by Mykhailo Kolodzins’kyi, was supported by the most radical group of OUN activists. At first, they had no decisive influence on decision-making. After the outbreak of World War II, a series of events led to the strengthening of the OUN’s radical wing. The turning point was the proposal by the military referents of the OUN(b) at the end of 1942 to carry out the forced eviction of Poles during future general mobilisation. At the beginning of 1943, the concept of ‘cleansing the territory’ of the Polish population finally prevailed in the Volhynian leadership of the OUN(b).

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Ukrajinské nacionalistické nebezpečí proti míru a lidovým demokraciím

Author(s): Vlastimil Ondrák / Language(s): Czech Issue: 4/2022

This article describes the activities of the Czechoslovak State Security Service (Státní bezpečnosti, StB) against the Ukrainian underground (primarily the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists, OUN) after World War II. In particular, it focuses on the cooperation between the security services of Poland, the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia against the OUN couriers who maintained contacts between the Bavarian centre and structures in Poland and the Soviet Union.Based on the collected material, the author concludes that the activities of the Czechoslovak security service against the Ukrainian underground mostly ended in failure. The StB members carried out illegal activities (they mainly spread physical and psychological terror and also constructed non-existent ‘groups of Ukrainian nationalists’) and fabricated some actions. They were completely ignorant of the issues with which they dealt and believed in untrue theses disseminated by the communist regime, which hindered their work because most of their actions were carried out against Ukrainians who had nothing to do with the OUN. If they had successes, they mostly achieved them by accident or in cooperation with Polish or Soviet counterintelligence. The article is based primarily on Czechoslovak materials deposited in the Security Services Archive (Archiv bezpečnostních složek). These materials are only a fragment of the original source base, most of which was destroyed in the 1960s. The author of this article did not have the ambition to research the topic completely, but he wanted to present the issue based on the collected sources. The full text will be published in Czech in the journal Historia a vojenství.

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Udział 12 Szczecińskiej Dywizji Piechoty w akcji „Wisła”. Z warsztatów badawczych

Author(s): Grzegorz Motyka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2022

Operation Vistula was one of the largest military and repressive operations carried out after the war by the Polish Army. It was attended, among others, by 12th Combined Infantry Regiment, which was formed on the basis of the 12th Szczecin Infantry Division. The 12th Combined Infantry Regiment was a military reserve of the Vistula Operational Group and from the first days of its operation it was used mainly against the Ukrainian Insurgent Army units manoeuvring in the field. The moderate successes achieved by the regiment compared to other units focusing on the displacement of civilians made the commander of the Vistula Operational Group, General S. Mossor, present this tactical unit as a model for other units. The source analysis carried out by the author forces us to revise this analysis of events. Compared with those of other units, the successes of the 12 Combined Infantry Regiment were not as great as Mossor claims, particularly when we consider that this unit was released from a time-consuming deportation action. The 12th division of the Polish Armed Forces is stationed in Western Pomerania to this day, continuing the tradition of the 12th Infantry Division of the Polish People’s Army. It is important to remember that participation in the largest repressive operation of Stalinist Poland brought no glory to this unit.

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Акції примирення в сімдесяті роковини масових вбивств 1943 р. на Волині

Author(s): Tetiana Banakh / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 4/2022

This article analyses the initiatives aimed at Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation that took place on the 70th anniversary of the Volhynia Massacre in 2013. The study is based on published sources and interviews with the participants in the Polish-Ukrainian dialogue. Special attention is paid to escalating public debates about the Volhynia Massacre in the mid-2000s and reconciliation actions organised by intellectuals and leaders of churches in 2013. When the state could not conduct the dialogue, intellectuals and church leaders attempted to fulfil this function. The article states that the Polish-German model of reconciliation, ‘We forgive and ask for forgiveness’, transferred to Polish-Ukrainian relations, had limited success in the Volhynian issue. A significant obstacle in the process of Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation is a lack of strong institutions that would implement the initiatives of intellectuals and church leaders.

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Młody Abramowski o metodzie agitacji. Rekonstrukcja i interpretacja

Author(s): Dorota Sepczyńska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2023

The article researches Edward Abramowski’s early thoughts as expressed in his collected works written up to 1896. It focuses on the following questions: What is known about Abramowski’s method of agitation? What new knowledge about his method can we achieve? The study uses the methodology of the history of ideas, aiming to gain new narration about Abramowski’s method of agitation. It indirectly fi ts into the studies on the history of Polish socialism and the dispute over propaganda.

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Wokół rzeczy ostatecznych. Obyczaje funeralne sowieckich elit partyjnych

Author(s): Krzysztof Jasiewicz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2023

Soviet funeral practices for members of the state elite are built on two factors. They use the achievements of antiquity and the Bible, and depend on the position of the deceased at the time of their death. On the one hand, ‘elite’ refers to the highest-ranked representatives of the Soviet authorities (primarily the fi rst secretaries of the party and marshals of the army and sometimes very meritorious activists). The custom of mummifi cation, which was taken from antiquity and the Bible, was used for Lenin and Stalin. However, what was done with the bodies of these two most important Soviets was actually thanatopraxis, which involves replacing blood in the bloodstream immediately after death by introducing in its place a fl uid with a strictly protected chemical composition that preserves the corpse from the inside. Piłsudski’s body was also subjected to thanatopraxis after death. This method is still used today by families of various magnates and of important mafi a people. The second factor is the evaluation of a given person by successors. When speaking of special burial sites, except for the two aforementioned fi gures, others were buried next to Lenin’s mausoleum (formerly, from 1953 to 1956, Lenin’s and Stalin’s, then only Lenin’s until modern times). All the fi rst/general secretaries of the Communist Party are buried there, except Nikita Khrushchev. He did not deserve a proper burial as he had thrown Stalin’s body out of the mausoleum into an earthen grave and revealed a veil of state secrets in a secret report on the cult of personality and its disastrous consequences on the party elite, which at that time had only been bestowed by Stalin. He was buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery. It is also a very prestigious burial place for many prominent Soviets. There are also several other Moscow necropolises, which served as the resting place of equally distinguished comrades as space at the Novodevichy Cemetery was reduced.

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Marcin Składanowski, Bezpieczeństwo narodowe Rosji w neoeurazjatyzmie Aleksandra Dugina na tle współczesnej rosyjskiej debaty politycznej i akademickiej

Author(s): Amadeusz Szmigiel / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2023

Review of: Marcin S k ł a d a n o w s k i, Bezpieczeństwo narodowe Rosji w neoeurazjatyzmie Aleksandra Dugina na tle współczesnej rosyjskiej debaty politycznej i akademickiej, Difi n, Warszawa 2022, ss. 351.

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Polityka zagraniczna Rosji wobec Bliskiego Wschodu [recenzja książki Od Związku Radzieckiego do Federacji Rosyjskiej, Sto lat polityki zagranicznej wobec Bliskiego Wschodu]

Author(s): Lech Wyszczelski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2022

Review of: Sylwester Gardocki, Od Związku Radzieckiego do Federacji Rosyjskiej, Sto lat polityki zagranicznej wobec Bliskiego Wschodu

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Sytuacja prawna Polskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła Prawosławnego i jej uwarunkowania społeczno-polityczne w latach 1944–1956. Problemy wybrane

Author(s): Danuta Waniek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2023

The main purpose of this article is to recall and analyze from a political-legal point of view not only the little-known wartime history of the Polish Orthodox Church, but also attempts to bring order to the chaos that reigned in the Polish Orthodox Church after the end of World War II. This issue is most often taken up in intellectual circles associated with the Orthodox Church, or - less often - by experts in religious policy. The study presented here is an attempt to supplement this body of work with an own view of the policy of the authorities of the People’s Republic of Poland towards the Orthodox Church, carried out in 1944-1958, which was seriously influenced not only by ideological and legal decisions, characteristic of the period of building revolutionary political changes, but also by long unresolved nationality issues.

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Rosyjskie spojrzenie na Bliski Wschód [recenzja książki Od Związku Radzieckiego do Federacji Rosyjskiej. Sto lat polityki zagranicznej wobec Bliskiego Wschodu]

Author(s): Marzena Mruk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2023

Review of: Sylwester Gardocki, Od Związku Radzieckiego do Federacji Rosyjskiej. Sto lat polityki zagranicznej wobec Bliskiego Wschodu

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Pomoc humanitarna dla uchodźców z Ukrainy jako katalizator nowej aktywności społecznej w Polsce

Author(s): Krzysztof Jasiecki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 68/2023

Russia’s aggression against Ukraine in February 2022 caused Europe’s largest influx of war refugees to the European Union after World War II. This is unprecedented in many aspects, covering primarily the Central and Eastern Europe, which historically have been countries of emigration rather than migration. Against this background, grassroots initiatives and civic actions taken in Poland, local government bodies, state authorities, as well as the Catholic Church are considered. The key challenges and problems in supporting migrants from Ukraine are interpreted in terms of the theory of resource mobilization and the concept of “new social movements”

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Parlamentarne partie polityczne w Polsce wobec problemu zmiany klimatu w latach 200-2019 (perspektywa sieci społecznych)

Author(s): Piotr Swacha / Language(s): Polish Issue: 69/2023

The aim of the article was to define the attitude of Polish parliamentary political parties towards the issue of climate change in the years 2005–2019. Discourse Network Analysis, used in the study, allowed to identify the most frequently co-occurring concepts expressed by different parties over the past fifteen years, as well as, to present the affiliation networks between the parties. The postulates regarding climate policy proposed by Polish election committees were gradually modified in the analyzed period. The gradual convergence of pro-climate positions of Polish parliamentary parties is visible over time, while the structure of anti-climate positions becoming less coherent. However, there is still a visible difference in the approach to climate protection between the centrist and left-wing parties and those identifying themselves as right-wing.

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Minulosť v (ne)pamäti Rómov

Author(s): Zuzana Mojžišová / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 24/2023

This study uses authentic interviews from field research into the Roma people of Slovakia to search for partial answers to questions concerning the functioning of collective and individual memory of the marginalised ethnic group that to this day almost exclusively leans on oral presentation instead of written recordings when sharing stories and experiences between generations. Witnesses to war-time events are dying out. Their stories need to be re-interpreted. They are too often lost, however, in the chasm of oblivion caused by ostracisation, neglected education, politics and, above all, poverty. The state has failed in the past and continues to fail today, albeit differently, by enabling the process of forgetting.

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Propaganda w Polskiej Kronice Filmowej

Author(s): Justyna Kowalska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 13/2022

Polish Film Chronicle was a party medium which, over the last 50 years of activity, was supposed to perform propaganda, cognitive and ludistic functions. Controlled by censorship institutions, it was using various manipulative measures aimed at the appropriate transfer of information or coverage of political, social, sports and cultural events. The use of various types of linguistic persuasion mechanisms, the selection of an appropriate, emotionally marked vocabulary, suggestive portrayal of objects or events or the use of directives are just some of the means taken by the editorial team of the Chronicle. All this to cope with the task of combining contained in the circulars with the instructions of censorship guidelines, and at the same time making the reception of their film magazine for the average viewer something pleasant, useful and educating. The aim of the article is to show the process of intensifying or easing the propaganda mechanisms in the implementation of the Polish Film Chronicle, as well as to indicate what measures taken by the editorial team in creating the Chronicle were intended to influence the viewer’s perception.

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Ar įmanomas mažumos ir daugumos kompromisas?

Author(s): Paulius Birgiel / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 51/2023

Review of: Kari Alenius, Saulius Kaubrys, Balancing Between National Unity and Multiculturism: National Minorities in Lithuania and Finland 1918–1939, Paderborn: Brill Schoning, 2022.

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„Ateis amerikonai ir mus išvaduos“: naujas žvilgsnis į Lietuvos pokario visuomenę

Author(s): Rūta Matimaitytė / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 51/2023

Review of: Regina Laukaitytė, Pokaris Lietuvoje. Belaukiant išlaisvinimo, Vilnius: Lietuvos istorijos institutas, 2022.

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Attitudes of Parliamentary Candidates towards the Politics of Memory in Post-Communist Lithuania

Author(s): Irmina Matonytė,Gintaras Šumskas / Language(s): English Issue: 3 (111)/2023

The paper dwells on the longitudinal data set of Lithuanian parliamentary candidates’ views and investigates the post-communist politics of memory. The analyzed surveys are conducted in 2008, 2012 and 2016. Several hypotheses regarding the impact of time, democratic consolidation and geopolitical challenges on the national level of the politics of memory are tested, and we examine differences among party families regarding the politics of memory. The list of dependent variables of this study includes the attitudes of the parliamentary candidates and their determination to implement lustration, ban the public display of Soviet symbols and implement the claim that Russia must compensate the damage inflicted on Lithuania during the Soviet occupation. The study reveals that the politics of memory remains a matter of contention shaped by the dynamic interaction of three kinds of logic: transitional (based on the need to mark a break from the previous regime), post-transitional (encouraged by expiring early transitional conventions and re-articulated geopolitical visions), and partisan (inspired by multi-party electoral competition).

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