Unele consideraţii privind latina din Dacia

Author(s): Ana Voloşciuc-Bîtcă / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2009

Simultanément avec la transformation de Dacie en province romane, celle-ci a été exposée à un vaste processus de romanisation, ainsi en peu de temps, la population de la province a appris la langue latine, qui est devenue la langue de communication, étant donné l’amalgame ethnique cohabitant. Le latin littéraire a été connu par les hautes couches sociales, plus répandu étant le latin vulgaire, imprégné avec des fautes et des erreurs d’expression, à cause de plusieurs facteurs. La militarisation intense a résulté l’apparition dans la langue courante des notions militaires qui feront référence ultérieurement à des choses et des faits civiles. On peut distinguer le spécifique du latin de Dacie des inscriptions de n’importe quel genre, leur recherche étant indispensable pour l’étude des faits de langue. En lignes générales le latin de Dacie n’a été une langue isolée, mais elle s’est intégrée dans les limites de la langue parlée dans tout l’empire, de cette manière la communication de toutes les populations des provinces romanes étant possibles.

Cripta şi bazilica de la Niculiţel - simboluri ale prezenţei creştinismului la nord de Balcani

Author(s): Petre Mocanu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2009

The monument was discovered accidentally in 1971 and was the object of several archaeological excavation campaigns. The martyr crypt from Niculiţel, built from brick, is divided into two small rooms, one on top of another. In the upper room were found four whole martyrs relics, situated into a common coffin, made of wood, according to the orthodox known tradition, with the hands and the head west-oriented. All the martyrs had their heads cut; three of them were put in their places, while the fourth was put on the martyr’s chest. Three inscriptions were discovered on the walls of the crypt: “Here and there is martyr’s blood”, “Christ’s martyrs” and the last with the names of the four martyrs: “Zottikos, Attalos, Philippos, Kamasis”.The archaeological and anthropological investigations established that their martyr act occurred during Emperor Diocletian’s persecutions in 303-304 A.D. Today, the holly remains are placed at the Monastery of Cocos, Tulcea County.

Agnomina în inscripţiile greceşti de la Tomis

Author(s): Roxana-Gabriela Curcă / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2008

Notre démarche propose une analyse des agnomina dans les inscriptions grecques de Tomi (Ier-IIIeme s. ap. J.-C.). Bien que le nombre des inscriptions à agnomina soit extrêmement réduit par rapport au total des inscriptions de Tomi, on remarque la pertinence de l’étude de cet élément onomastique dans une perspective historique. Nous avons opté pour une analyse typologique de ces agnomina de facture romaine, grecque et thrace. La présence de ceux-ci nous pousse à évaluer d’une manière nuancée les rapports entre l’anthroponymie et les réalités ethniques de Tomi.

The army as an important factor of social mobility in Roman Empire

Author(s): Marek Żyromski / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2008

The Roman state is one of the greatest European civilizations that existed for a long time (754/753 BC - 476 AD). There are many factors and reasons for the decline of the Roman Empire. However, even more difficult is to establish the reasons for such a long existence of the ancient Roman state, Roman culture and civilization. Among such factors can be called a high Roman culture and the importance of providing members of the local and provincial elite with Roman citizenship. The army, which by force of arms created and preserved the Roman Empire, is also an important factor. However, the Roman army should also be regarded as an important factor in vertical social mobility. The Roman Empire never tried to create a caste system (as in ancient India), in which social growth would not be possible. Demographic considerations created the need for social mobility and the promotion of members of the lower social strata into the social and political elite of the Roman Empire. This was especially possible for officers serving in the best Roman armies - such as in the provinces of the Lower Danube (Dacia, Moesia and Pannonia).

O notă despre episcopul „scit” participant la Conciliul de la Niceea (325)

Author(s): Nelu Zugravu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2008

Nella Vita Constantini, III, 7, Eusebio di Caesarea parla di un vescovo „scito” partecipante al concilio universale di Nicaea del 325. La maggior parte degli storici romani considera che si tratta di un vescovo della provincia Scythia Minor. L’analisi dell’informazione nel suo contesto dimostra però che Eusebio ha elencato i partecipanti al concilio in un ordine geografico molto corretto, tanto che non esiste nessun dubbio che il prelato „scito” rappresentava un vescovato oltre i confini dell’Impero. Di più, la correlazione dell’informazione di Eusebio con quella di Gelasio di Cyzicus sull’utraque Scythia dimostra che la provincia Scythia Minor non ha avuto rappresentanti al primo concilio universale.

Stat şi biserică în Imperiul Roman târziu: Valentinian I, Valens şi criza ariană

Author(s): Adrian Husar / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2007

In the 4th century AD, the emperor, absolute monarch though he was, ruled by consensus, and consensus could only maintained at the price of compromise. Thus, emperors who failed to understand the principle of clemency not only violated the common code of proper conduct, they also threatened the foundations of their rule. Valentinian I and Valens were largely indifferent to the diversity of religious belief in their worlds, and both tried primarily to maintain the status quo by privileging Christianity without attacking paganism. Valens differed from his brother, primarily because of the different circumstances in which the two operated. The new strength of Christianity in the 4th century opened an alternative avenue to power through the bishops, who successfully challenged the authority of the emperor and his officials. The rise of powerful bishops also helped fractionalize the church and pulled emperors into ecclesiastical power struggles. Thus, the Homoians were the dominant church in the east when Valens attained the throne, and they gained their dominance at the expense of the Homoiousians. In upholding the council of Constantinople (360) by suppressing the Homoiousians, Valens was carrying on the task initiated by Constantius II of defending the official state church. Valens was also willing to entrust ecclesiastical affairs to a small though powerful group of Homoian clerics. Valens’s disaster at Adrianople guaranteed the victory of the Nicene faction in the long-standing battle over the person of Christ. Without the destruction of the Arian emperor Valens and without the political and military chaos that it provoked, there probably would never have been this solidarity effect under emperor Theodosius I – the solidification of a formerly divided church around the Nicaena fides. Thus, Valens helped the church become what it is, however paradoxical this may sound.

Expediţia amiralului histrian Hegesagoras în vestul Mării Negre

Author(s): Octavian Bounegru / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2007

In an honorific decree found at Histria a citizen of this town, Hegesagoras of Monimos, is honoured by the Ionian city from the western coast of the Black Sea, which name is not indicated in the inscription, but from context it could not be other than Apollonia (today Sozopol - Bulgaria), for special merits proved in a war between Apollonia and its neighbour city, Mesambria. The action takes place in the 2 century B. C. The decree in honour of Hegesagoras represents a unique epigraphic document which gives us a coherent image of the activity of Greek cities fleets of the western Black Sea coast in Hellenistic time, as well as of the military arrangements and participation of the Navy in political events of the époque. In this context, Hegesagoras of Monimos can be viewed as a personality who contributed much to the art of war in that region.

Power, legitimization and propaganda in Imperial Rome

Author(s): Marek Żyromski / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2007

Undoubtedly, the question of power and its legitimization is very important – both from theoretical and practical points of view. Certainly, the question of power and the process of its legitimization is worth of analysis and presentation not only on the examples of modern societies but also in case of societies in more or less distant past. And so, the prresent article deals with the question of power and its legitimization (especially by different means of propagandsa) on the example of ancient Rome – especially the so-called Principate, i.e. Early Roman Empire (27 B.C. – 284 A.D.). During the Empire, the main purpose of propaganda was to strenhten the position of emperor himself. During the empire all military victories were used also (or even first of all) to strengthen position of the emperor. Namely from such point of view is probably best to analyze such the monuments like the Trajan’s Column in Rome or the monument in Adamclissi (in modern Romania). Such the purposes served also triumphal arches, got instance the triumphal arch devoted to Septimius Severus and his family at Leptis Magna. Undoubtedly, the imperial propaganda proved itself to be a very successful tool of the imperial power, acting together with well trained and equipped Roman army and with very efficient Roman bureaucracy.

Zavjere i spletke, Cezarov pad

Author(s): Hendrike Bode / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1+2/2010

Cezar – briljantan vojskovođa i velik političar u svjetskom carstvu koje je raslo. Sasvim postupno napredovao je od pobjedonosnog oficira i konzula do samovladara i pri tome nije postupao nepromišljeno: postupao je milostivo, poštedio je i promaknuo nekadašnje protivnike te velikodušno razdijelio službe.

2000 godina Varove bitke

Author(s): Barbara Stühlmeyer / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1+2/2010

"Bio je to 9/11 Rimskog Carstva, kad su 9. godine poslije Krista tri legije – oko 18 000 vojnika – pobijene u gerilskom ratu upravo u onoj provinciji Germaniji koju se smatralo, iako ne potpuno pokorenom, ipak prilično umirenom. U povijest je taj pokolj ušao pod ne sasvim točnim nazivima: Varova bitka, bitka u Teutoburškoj šumi, Arminijeva bitka i Hermannova bitka. Dakako ne odmah. Jer sami rimski izvori o sukobu između okupacijskih postrojbi i pobunjenih plemena onih naroda koje se tek nakon Cezara jednostavno nazivalo zajedničkim imenom Germani, govore točnije kao o Clades Variana, kao o “Varovu porazu”. Razumljivo. Na koncu rijetko se izgubljenu bitku poistovjećivalo s imenom poraženog. Čak i naziv bitka je neprikladan, ako se pomnije prouče izvještaji rimskih povjesničara i rezultati najnovijih arheoloških istraživanja. Da je došlo do bitke u kojoj su legije mogle pokazati svoje nadmoćne borbene tehnike, pobjednik bi se vjerojatno zvao Var a mi bismo danas govorili jedim od mnogobrojnih romanskih jezika. "

Appian’s Illyrike: the Final Stage of the Roman Construction of Illyricum

Author(s): Danijel Džino / Language(s): English Issue: 27/2016

Appian’s Illyrian book (Illyrike) was originally intended to be just an appendix to his Macedonian book and today remains the only extant ancient work dealing with the early history of Illyricum which is preserved in its entirety. In this short work Appian puts together different local and regional histories in order to create a unified historical narrative and determines the historical and mythological coordinates of Illyricum inside the ancient world. This paper will discuss Illyrike in the context of the Roman construction of Illyricum as a provincial space, similar to some other regions in continental Europe such as, for example, Gaul or Britain. They were all firstly created through the needs of Roman political geography and later written into literary knowledge through the works of ancient history and ethnography. This paper will argue that Appian’s Illyrike represented the final stage of the Roman construction of Illyricum from an imaginary to a provincial space, which was the point of its full coming of age as an integral part of the ancient world and the Roman Empire.

Mysia or Moesia?

Author(s): Jurij Kabakchiev / Language(s): English Issue: 1/1995

Dacii liberi din zona extracarpatică a României în sec. II-IV e.n.

Author(s): Gheorghe Bichir / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/1974

The creation of the Roman province of Dacia left outside the empire a large part of the Dacians who continued to live on their native territory and to constitute the majority population of these regions during the 2nd to 4th centuries

Interpretări arheologice: Considerații asupra cameei Orghidan

Author(s): Kurt Horedt / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/1974

In short, a date dating from the fourth century was proposed for the Cameo Orghidan, preserved in Bucharest's historical museum, and its assignment to Emperor Julian Apostata, but these are unlikely. On the basis of the Haarracht, the stone could be assigned to an emperor at the turn of the 2nd to the 3rd century and because of the almond-shaped eyes of the male head Commodus

Țigle și cărămizi ștampilate din thermele de la Micia

Author(s): Liviu Mărghitan,Constantin Petolescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/1974

The authors present 36 stamped bricks and tiles found during archaeological excavations in the Roman baths of Micia (Veţel, Hunedoara district), carried out in 1967-1969 and 1971-1972

Monede romane și bizantine din colecția Muzeului de Istorie al Republicii Socialiste România

Author(s): Carmen Maria Petolescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/1974

The author presents 23 gold coins, preserved in the Numismatic Cabinet of the History Museum of the Socialist Republic of Romania. For the most part, the place of discovery remains unconvinced, with the exception of the following ones:- solidus of the emperor Arcadius (nr 13) discovered in Miroslăveşti (deputy Iaşi).- solidus of the emperor Theodosius II (n.14), discovered in the Roman settlement of Iernut (Mureş dept).

Studien uber romisch-pannonische Waffenfunde - Helme, Schilde, Dolche

Author(s): Liviu Petculescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/1974

The paper is an review of the book Studies on Roman-Pannonian weapons - helmets, shields, daggers written by Edith B. Thomas

Medyczna nauka o mleku (γαλακτολογία ἰατρική) zawarta w "De medicina" Celsusa

Author(s): Maciej Kokoszko,Jolanta Dybała / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2016

Milk was a very significant food product in the Mediterranean. The present study is not devoted to milk as such, but to therapeutic galactology, galaktología iatriké (γαλακτολογία ἰατρική), a version of which is extant in De medicina penned by a Roman encyclopaedist called Celsus. The author places milk and milk-derived products among therapeutic substances, indicates the methods of processing such substances, and also provides the readers with details on dietary and pharmacological characteristics of dairy foods as well as indicating their place in a number of cures. It is necessary to pay attention to the fact that the characterizations of milk and dairy products with regard to their dietary properties and application as phármakon (φάρμκον) are not an exclusive feature of De medicina, but they are regularly mentioned not only in medical works, such as De diaeta I–IV, teachings of Dioscorides, extant fragments penned by Rufus of Ephesus, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida and Paul of Aegina, but also in Historia naturalis by Pliny. This is a clear sign that milk was considered to be significant from the medical point of view and was as such very interesting both for the medical profession and for general public. Therefore De medicina appears as a typical work, and details contained in it are simply a testimony of the evolution of the doctrine that was already present in De diaeta I–IV and later developed by the most prominent physicians. / Mleko było i jest znaczącym produktem spożywczym w diecie mieszkańców basenu Morza Śródziemnego i dlatego stało się ono przedmiotem zainteresowania medycyny antycznej. Artykuł poświęcony został jednak nie historii tego produktu spożywczego, ale galaktología iatriké (γαλακτολογία ἰατρική), a zatem zespołowi poglądów na rzeczone substancje z punktu widzenia medycyny antycznej, który zawarty został w traktacie De medicina napisanym przez rzymskiego encyklopedystę tworzącego w I w. n.e., którego zwykle identyfikujemy jako Aulusa Korneliusza Celsusa. Podstawową treścią rozważań jest ukazanie poglądów Celsusa w kwestii leczniczej funkcji mleka i produktów mlecznych, więc ich cech dietetycznych i farmakologicznych, a w końcu miejsca w procedurach terapeutycznych opisywanych przez starożytnego encyklopedystę. Autorzy analizują dostępne w dziele informacje także z punktu widzenia historii jedzenia oraz historii ekonomicznej i społecznej. Badacze rozpatrują zagadnienie na szerokim tle historii medycyny w antyku i wczesnym Bizancjum (od IV w. p.n.e. do VII w. n.e.), wykorzystując dane zawarte w De diaeta I–IV, traktatach Dioskurydesa, Rufusa z Efezu, Galena, Orybazjusza, Aecjusza z Amidy oraz Pawła z Egny. Wskazują też na analogiczny zasób wiedzy, który stał się podstawą refleksji Pliniusza Starszego zawartych w jego Historia naturalis. Owo bogactwo informacji interpretowane jest przez nich jako dowód zainteresowania tym zagadnieniem nie tylko w gronie profesjonalnych medyków, lecz także szerokiej publiczności, a dzieło De medicina traktują jako przejaw rozwoju doktryny medycznej.

Konwersja Konstantyna Wielkiego na chrześcijaństwo w świetle jego własnego świadectwa – kilka uwag

Author(s): Sławomir Bralewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2016

Among the views of researchers who pronounced their opinion on the issue of Constantine’s conversion to Christianity, we have a variety of positions, which range from its total negation and attribution to the emperor mere calculation, sheer hypocrisy and instrumental treatment of religion, through discerning in his attitude a form of religious syncretism, to full recognition of the reality of his conversion. It seems that nowadays the vast majority of historians do not doubt the sincerity of Constantine’s renouncement of paganism, while differences in their opinions primarily concern the moment, when it took place. Many scholars also underscore the importance of the vision Constantine had, which, according to Lactantius and Eusebius of Caesarea, played a crucial role in the conversion of the ruler. The vision itself, however, is still controversial as a historical fact. Some see it as a supernatural phenomenon, while others either explain it as a natural one or completely depreciate its importance. Needless to say that neither party has been able to prove their case so far. On the other hand, it is irrefutable that Constantine himself, in his surviving letters and speeches, tended to put down his victories to the divine assistance of Christ, which, of course, one can interpret as an essential manifestation of his conversion to Christianity. Some scholars maintain that Constantine adopted Christianity after the year 324. It is, however, hard to prove, because over this period he addressed the god he believed in as summus deus, i.e. in the same fashion as in the first half of his reign. For instance, it was exactly the term he used in his correspondence and speeches from the break-through year 313, in which he addressed the Christian God. / Konstantyn w swoim głębokim przekonaniu został wybrany przez Boga Najwyższego, który za jego pośrednictwem dokonał przełomu w walce ze złem. To ów Bóg stał się jego boskim patronem, o czym cesarz pisał w swych listach już od roku 313. Zachowane cesarskie pisma, w których jest mowa o Bogu, na ogół kierowane były do chrześcijańskich biskupów i to ich Konstantyn powierzał opiece swego boskiego patrona, który w jego mocnym przeświadczeniu był Bogiem chrześcijan. Władca przypisywał Mu odnoszone przez siebie zwycięstwa militarne i spodziewał się, że oddając Mu cześć, zapewni cesarstwu pomyślność. W zamian, w ramach wdzięczności roztaczał opiekę nad Kościołem, wznosząc świątynie i zabiegając o jedność Jego wyznawców w kulcie. Konstantyn, wypowiadając się o Bogu chrześcijan, używał, co zrozumiałe, znanych sobie epitetów właściwych kultom pogańskim, ale należących też do ogólnego skarbca terminologii religijnej. Odwołując się do pojęć i symboli właściwych światu pogańskiemu, ale przez chrześcijan interpretowanych jako chrześcijańskie, Konstantyn dokonywał rewolucji religijnej w sposób kontrolowany i łagodny, nie dopuszczając do zaognienia nastrojów społecznych. Niektórzy badacze sądzą, że Konstantyn stał się chrześcijaninem dopiero po roku 324, jednak w tym okresie wyznawanego przez siebie Boga obdarzał tymi samymi bądź bardzo podobnymi tytułami, co w pierwszej połowie swego panowania. Ponieważ jego zachowana korespondencja i mowy adresowane były często do duchownych chrześcijańskich, to i zawarte w nich odniesienia do Boga dotyczyły Boga chrześcijańskiego i to już od roku 313.

Róma és a tengerek

Author(s): Zsuzsanna Hoffmann / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2017

Tibor Grüll: A tenger gyümölcsei. A tengerek szerepe a Római Birodalom gazdaságában. Kronosz Kiadó, Pécs, 2016