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The article discusses a neglected aspect in the history of the Second WorldWar and the role of Armenians and their motivation to fight against the NaziGermany. The author suggests that the memory of the Genocide against theArmenians perpetratrated by Turkey in the First World War with connivencefrom Germany played an important role in the memory of Soviet Armeniansenrolled in the Red Army. This is one of the explanations why the present dayRepublic of Armenia still maintains – from different reasons – the name TheGreat Patriotic War instead of Second World War, like Russia.
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This is the first article dealing specifically with Brezhnev in Soviet Moldavia.The article draws mainly on recently disclosed files from the Archive of theSocial-Political Organizations of the Republic of Moldova, the former archiveof the Central Committee of Communist Party of Moldavia. The authors aretrying to understand the importance of the period when Brezhnev served asFirst Secretary of Central Committee of Moldavia from 1950 to 1952 for hissubsequent career. In order to understand better the results of Brezhnev’s rulein Moldavian SSR and the impact on his leadership style, the authors discussthe previous career of Brezhnev as well as the activity of the previous FirstSecretaries in Soviet Moldavia. One of the main results of Brezhnev periodin Moldavia was the consolidation of kolkhozes. In a broader sense, since thisperiod at least, Brezhnev favoured quantity over quality.
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The following article includes thoughts and ideas formulated at a universitylecture presented for the students and teaching staff, from the History andGeography Department of State University “Ion Creangă” from Chişinău, at thebeginning of 2016 year of study. The research provides a new attempt to reviewthe sources of contemporary international conflicts. The author considers thatthe enormous conflicting potential of the today world undermines internationalpeace and security, which concerns academic society, political elites and civicorganizations from all over the globe. The ongoing interest of academics andlikewise, of multitude of publications signed by prominent scientists presentingdifferent points of view on the premises of international conflicts and theirimpact on evolution of international relations, is clearly outstanding.
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The review of: A civil társadalomtól a politikai társadalom felé. Munkástanácsok 1989-1993 (From Civil Society to Political Society. Worker’s Councils 1989-1993) by Erzsébet Szalai
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One of the fundamental pillars of the guild system formed in Kézdivásárhely from the 16th century was the wide spread of literacy. Later this process was significantly helped by the development and institutionalization of the educational life. The educational system in Kézdivásárhely developed due the start of confessional education. The Protestant particula and the Roman Catholic school from Kanta established in the 17th century initially had an important role in the acquisition of basic literacy, but later they contributed to the creation of schools that provided professional training and a higher level of theoretical knowledge. The educational institutions created by the Szekler Border Guard Regiment also had a positive effect on the intellectual growth of the city and the surrounding villages, even if for a short time. As a result of the civil transformations in the second half of the 19th century, the urban middle class demand created the civil boys and girls schools, where students received theoretical knowledge and practical training, in order to be able to stand in their place in life without a higher education qualification. Some talented students of the city’s educational institutions continued their studies in various upper secondary schools, which facilitated the awareness and dissemination of bourgeois ideas and cultural patterns of the new era.
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Russian diplomat Georgy N. Michajlowskij’s personal notes recorded in the years 1914-1920, and published in two volumes in 1993 in the series: Russia in Diplomats’ Memories, have been the main base to write this article. Being a worker of state ap-paratus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Pievcheskij Bridge in Petersburg, Michajlowskij took part in a hard activity of the Russian diplomacy during the very hot events of the World War I and revolution times. He witnessed the fall of tcharism, short period of the Provisional Government’s govern, but after Bolshevik upheaval on October 7, 1917 he faced the very full of tension weeks when his department was taken over by Lev Trockij and communist commissars. He obviously was forced to leave the Office. Having joined the White Guard movement in 1917, he worked during the next three years’ time as a diplomat at Gen. Anton lvanovich Denikin in Rostov-on-Don and Taganrog as well at Gen. baron Pyotr Wrangel in Sevastopol. He participated in many White Guard diplomatic missions to Constantinople, Paris, London, Romę and Washington where he frequently met and cooperated with the last three Tsarist ministers of foreign affairs – Sergey Dmitriyevich Sazonov, Boris W. Sturmer, Nikolai M. Pokrovskij and then, among others, with Michail I. Tereszczenko, Pavel N. Milukov, Wasyl A. Maklakow and Peter B. Struwe who became the successors and leaders of the former Russia’s policy realised then by the Provisional Government and by the White Guard movement as well. So, he had the unique opportunity to describe almost all main figures of the Russian political and social drama which action was setting itself before his eyes.The artide is focusing on some Polish motifs, too. Generally, they are based on Michajlowskij’s writings which can be regarded as very interesting and valuable historical sources, relevant to the Polish question of the time, particularly when their author used to act on behalf of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in different commissions and committees that had been appointed to resolve the Polish question. One should pay the special attention to changeable attitudes towards the Polish question expressed by different Russian authorities.
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The author discusses how the concept of “national identity” has been defined and expressed throughout different ages, peoples and schools of thought. The relation between religious, class-based, or national identity and political ideologies is being carefully observed, starting from the medieval period into the modern age, not only in Europe, but also in the East. What happens with national identity? Is it, based on old social science schools, inherited or acquired? Here appears one of the initial distinctions between two opposing concepts of the national identity: the German understanding, originating from J. Fichte and the German romantics, according to which a nation is linked by a common origin, the common identity of the people, history and language (Volksgeist) versus the Franco-American school, which originated in the French revolution, stating that a nation is built not on common history, but is rather a societal outcome, being based on politics, adherence to the values of the Republic and loyalty to the state. In the contemporary period the French concept has been predominant and was taken over by the American school of thought. One of its main ideas is that peoples, more precisely the populations, who suffered from an initial lack of traditions of state governance and from a deficit of native intellectuals, as a result of their political situation, did not succeed to consolidate into genuine nations. Furthermore, the development of national identity in the current Republic of Moldova is being thoroughly analysed. Finally, the phenomenon of self-identification of the Bessarabians is rigorously analysed, based on a scholarly and historically centred approach.
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The paper focuses on the current history of Chisinau as a city in the making, cementation and promoting its credibility and image in the national and international arena. It analyses the soviet time city when Chisinau was intensively urbanized, industrialized, denationalized and russificated at all levels, particularly administration, education, church and public space. The article looks at Chisinau from the prospect of its transformation from a Soviet capital to a European city, a process that has been lasting for more than twenty years since Moldova gained its independence and appearing not yet completed. It examines the impact of the Soviet past on the urban landscape and dwellers’ mentality and analyses the city’ transition toward Europeanization through the prism of facts and events that occurred in Chisinau over the last years. This study aims at answering several basic questions. Among them: What principles tsarist and Soviet authorities have been guided in projecting the city of Chisinau? What was the propaganda role in building the image of the Soviet Chisinau? How the city-capital of Chisinau has been shaped through planning, building controls, russification and heritage? What has Chisinau inherited from its Soviet past and how the transition/transformation process to Europeanization takes place in Chisinau? And how the capital city inhabitants express their sense of belonging to Chisinau?
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The review of: Szociáldemokrácia tegnap, ma, holnap (Social Democracy Past, Present and Future) by Ferenc Fejtő; translated from the French by Lívia Görög and Belvárosi Könyvkiadó; Budapest, 1996, 178 pp.
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The review of: Az elitek átváltozása Tanulmányok és publicisztikai írások 1994-1996 (Elites in Metamorphosis Studies and Journalistic Writings 1994-1996) by Erzsébet Szalai; Budapest: Cserépfalvi Kiadó, 1996, 200 pp.
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“What can a scholastic do in the 20th century?”—asks Katalin Vidrányi in the title of her article written in 1970. If her characteristically systematic and pithy analysis can be summarized in a single sentence, the author’s answer is: many things, but not too much. For if we survey the Christian philosophies carefully classified and perceptively analyzed by Vidrányi, we find that in the last analysis they are all characterized by the same hopeless eclecticism and inability to achieve a genuine synthesis, that is to say, one which would be comparable to that produced by scholasticism (in particular, by Thomism).
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Within the last decades an interest in using economic evaluation methods in health care sector is rapidly growing. In many countries methodological guidelines and recommendation on using economic analyses for health care interventions assessment were developed. Methods of economic evaluation, historically developed for clinical intervention, are now being applied to public health programs. Application of economic evaluation techniques to this type of activities results in numerous methodological problems related to public health program special characteristics. This type of programs can take a form of complex, multisectoral interventions aimed rather at whole populations than at individuals (as clinical interventions). The aim of the article is to conduct a review of existing international guidelines on economic evaluation of public health programs and presentation of the experts guidelines related to specific elements and/or steps of economic evaluation of such programs.
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An interview with Serhii Plokhy, Ukrainian history professor at Harvard University and director of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute.
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Since the 1990s de-communisation in Central and Eastern Europe, a new national identity has been adopted in each of the Baltic states. Yet, they have not fully rejected their communist heritage and conflicts concerning the purpose and meaning behind certain Soviet monuments have been taking place since the fall of the Soviet Union. The intensity of these conflicts grew significantly since Russia’s aggression in Ukraine in 2014.
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