Nõukogude lääne vaatenurk lääne nõukogude-uuringutele
Review of: Epp Annus. Soviet Postcolonial Studies. A View from the Western Borderlands. London–New York: Routledge, 2018. 281 lk.
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Review of: Epp Annus. Soviet Postcolonial Studies. A View from the Western Borderlands. London–New York: Routledge, 2018. 281 lk.
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The article reports an attempt of multi-aspect analysis of the Estonian sonnet from its emergence in 1881 to 2015 (incl.). The research material covers all 4551 sonnets published in the Estonian language space. Diachronic analysis shows that despite the ever increasing number of sonnets their proportion in published poetry has decreased to the extent of becoming marginal by the 21st century. The metre of the Estonian sonnet is varied. Similarly to Germanic languages, a traditional Estonian sonnet uses iambic pentameter, yet this applies only to 58% of all sonnets. The runner-up (10%) is a metric pattern specific to Estonian: a few (mostly one to three) verse lines are in iambic hexameter while the rest are in iambic pentameter. Seven percent of the sonnets use isometric iambic hexameter. The rest of the iambic sonnets (7%) use shorter or longer lines or combine other lengths. Notably, as many as 5% of Estonian sonnets are in free verse; 4% use accentual verse system. Trochaic sonnets form 4%, most of which use trochaic pentameters. As for syllabic-accentual triple measures, we can find dactyl, amphibrach as well as anapest (3% in total). Some sonnets even use a runic or syllabic measure. A separate section addresses the distribution of Estonian sonnet metres on the time axis. Comparative statistical analysis is used to highlight the tendencies characteristic of different periods, while the percentage of iambic pentameter is used to classify a period as more classic or, on the contrary, more avant garde. In my study the history of the Estonian sonnet has been divided into seven periods: (1) the sonnet of post-national awakening 1881–1908, (2) the modernist sonnet 1909–1939, (3) early Soviet Estonian sonnet 1944–1961, (4) sonnets written in exile 1946–1986, (5) late Soviet Estonian sonnet 1962–1986, (6) the postmodernist sonnet 1987–1999, and (7) the post-postmodernist sonnet 2000–2015. The percentage of isometric iambic pentameter is highest (85%) in the sonnets written in exile and the lowest (40%) in the postmodernist era, showing a tendency for increase in the current 21st century (49%). As far as rhymes are concerned, most of the Estonian sonnets follow the Italian model, while a mere 10% can be called English sonnets. The English sonnet made a relatively late arrival, represented by single occurrences in the Estonian poetry before World War II. Their proportion is the highest among the sonnets written in postwar Soviet Estonia, where nearly one of every two sonnets (45%) follow the rhyme scheme abab/cdcd/efef/gg.
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Eesti keelt on nüüdseks ligi 400 aastat kirjeldatud. Esimene eesti keele grammatika ilmus 1637. aastal Heinrich Stahli sulest ja õieti võib kirjeldamise alguspunktiks võtta tema käsiraamatu viis aastat varem ilmunud esimese osa eessõna, kus esimest korda räägitakse eesti keele häälikutest ja nende märkimisest. Selle 400 aastaga on eesti keele kohta väidetu üsna drastiliselt teisenenud, maha on peetud kirglikke debatte, mille tulemusel on keele tegelikule olemusele kindlasti palju lähemale jõutud. Tartu Ülikooli keeleteadlaste ambitsioonika ettevõtmisena valmiv, kavandatult kaheksaköiteline sari „Eesti keele varamu”, millest seni on ilmunud kolm köidet (Kasik 2015; Asu jt 2016; Erelt, Metslang 2017), ja sellele lubatult järgnev omaette akadeemiline üldkäsitlus annavad eesti keelest ilma igasuguse kahtluseta tõesema pildi kui Stahli kirjutised. Uusima võimsa grammatikasoorituse foonil ja ootuses tasub arutada, kas nüüd on kogu tõde eesti keele kohta teada või on midagi veel selguseta? Või kas väljauuritu on ikka tõde?
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Clergy jokes play with contradictions between normative and actual behavior. The normative role of the clergy is to set an example and engage primarily with the spiritual world, but jokes hint at a potential of violating that role. The vices that the clergy display in humorous tales and jokes are exaggerated and mostly related to the material or bodily, which is something that they as carers for the mind and soul should be wary of. The aim of this article is to describe the connection between humor and social reality, taking clergy jokes as a case in point. The analysis is based on comparative samples, from Estonia and Belarus, of humorous tales, jokes and examples of visual humor from the late 19th century up to the present day. Taking into account the changing cultural, ideological and political context of the jokes in the sample, it is possible to add some necessary insight into this understudied area. The article will (1) give an overview of the historical background of the jokes, (2) analyse its influence on the status and collection of jokelore, and (3) describe the content of clergy jokes in a diachronic and comparative perspective.
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The article discusses the folktales that were written down in villages of the Minusinsk region in Krasnoyarsk Krai, Russia by Rosalie Ottesson (1899-1979), an Estonian in Siberia and an informant and collaborator of the Department of Folklore, Estonian Literary Museum. The tales were written down in 1969-1976 when the tradition of telling folktales had more or less disappeared in Estonia. Ottesson, who grew up in a village community with a strong oral tradition, had heard folktales since her early childhood, first in the Estonian language, later in both Estonian and Russian. She translated the tales that she had heard in Russian into the Estonian language. It was only tens of years later that Rosalie Ottesson wrote down a majority of the folktales. Like many other collaborators of the folklore archives, she was simultaneously a storyteller and a collector of tales. Ottesson regarded her collaboration with the Department of Folklore both as her mission and a pleasant pastime. Despite the focus on collecting more archaic folklore in Estonia in the 1960s–1970s, the folktales written down by Ottesson should have attracted more attention of archive workers and researchers. The existing correspondence held in the archives suggests that although Ottesson’s rich knowledge of folklore was valued, she was often guided away from collecting folktales and was instructed to write down other types of folklore. It seems as if the workers at the Department of Folklore had felt that the time for collecting authentic folk tales was over and collecting secondary tradition was not important in the period at hand. The folklore department’s collecting strategies in the 1960s and 1970s were mostly aimed at recording the folklore of specific regions. Ottesson, however, chose to write down the folktales of Estonians in the region but noticed also those of her neighbours. The focus in these years was collecting primarily folklore texts and any additional notes or observations by the collectors were discouraged. For a modern-day researcher of folklore, however, collectors’ personal notes have turned into an invaluable source of help for understanding older folklore texts.
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Mul on probleem. Enne surma andis Debora Vaarandi mulle üle suure pataka Kersti Merilaasi kirju, mis too oli talle ligi kolmekümne aasta jooksul saatnud. Mida teeks korralik kodanik? Loovutaks need Kirjandusmuuseumile. Aga ma ei saa. Nimelt vannutab Kersti oma kirjades korduvalt Deborat, et too saadud kirjad põletaks: „Kõik Su kirjad ma põletan ära, ei maksa karta, tulevastele põlvedele ei jää midagi sorida. Tee Sina sedasama” (2. IV 1978). Ja põhjendab seda nii: „Meie omi kirju ju Kirjandusmuuseumi ei vii. Viimane asjaolu teebki mulle igasuguse kirjavahetuse vastikuks – kirjutad näiteks oma lapsepõlve kaaslasele, aga tuleb välja, et oled kirjutanud hoopis „rahvale”” (2. VI 1972). Paistab, et Debora on sõbrannat alt vedanud.
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Review of: Malle Salupere. Kultuuriloolisi vaatlusi Tartu teljel. Tartu: Ilmamaa 2012. 390 lk.
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Review of: Brendekenist Peeglini. Eesti ajakirjanduse biograafiline lühileksikon 1689–1940. Koostajad ja toimetajad Roosmarii Kurvits, Anu Pallas. Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastus, 2014. 193 lk.
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Reviews of: Alguses oli Juhan. Meenutuslood õpetaja Juhan Peeglist. Koostajad ja toimetajad Maarja Lõhmus, Sulev Uus, Peeter Vihalemm. Tartu: Eesti Akadeemiline Ajakirjanduse Selts, Postimees, 2012. 192 lk; „Ma lõpetan selle jama ära.” Ajakaaslaste meenutuslood Juhan Peeglist. Koostajad ja toimetajad Sulev Uus, Maarja Lõhmus, Peeter Vihalemm. Tartu: Eesti Akadeemiline Ajakirjanduse Selts, 2014. 192 lk. Jüri Talvet. Kümme kirja Montaigne’ile. „Ise” ja „teine”. (Kaasaegne mõte 8.) Tartu: Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastus, 2014. 175 lk. Lugemise vabadus. Koostanud ja toimetanud Annika Markson ja Jane Eskla. Tartu: MTÜ Kirjandusfestival Prima Vista, 2014. 55 lk. Kauksi Ülle. Ülim tõde. Saarde–Pärnu: JI, 2014. 141 lk.
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Review of: Ilmar Vene. Kaugenemised. Täheldusi Karl Ristikivist. Toimetanud Tiina Hallik. Tallinn: Tuum, 2013. 261 lk.
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Review of: Pent Nurmekund – keeletark ja õpetaja. Koostaja Ott Kurs. Toimetaja Tõnu Tender, abitoimetaja Anti Lääts. (Eesti Võõrkeeleõpetajate Liidu toimetised 1.) Tartu: Eesti Keele Sihtasutus, 2014. 558 lk.
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The lower vocational Housekeeping schools (NSDŠ) were four year schools for female youth that were introduced in 1952 i 1953 in 24 towns in Bosnia and Herzegovina. One such school was established in Gračanica in 1952 and closed in 1957. During this period two generations graduated. The school was not a part of the regular school system (it did not have its own legal status), so the female students that graduated did not acquire any recognized vocational qualification or profession, but were ready to work as auxiliary workers in institutions and companies on the base of their acquired knowledge and skills – apart from also being ready to lead their own household on the basis of these skills. For these reasons the NSDŠ had a lot of success during its five year activity, and gained a greater reputation both in Gračanica as well as in the wider area.
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The Treaty of Versailles, which ended World War I, was in reality, not the end, but the beginning of another partition of the world.The main actors in the political constraint were the same in 1919 as they were in 1945, with the exception of Russia. However, the division of roles and the balance of power developed somewhat differently. There is no doubt that World War I was decided by the entry of the United States on the side of the Entente. Marshal Ferdinand Foch, the commander of the Allied forces, and the commander in charge of leading the security zone, commanding the Rhine army saw this clearly. Of course, others have seen it as well. The French delegation in Paris refused to sign the peace treaty only on the condition that a supplement treaty guaranteeing France’s security is signed at the same with Britain and the United States. The signing of the document took place on 28 June 1919. Subsequently, however, this guarantee disappeared: the U.S. Senate did not ratify the Treaty of Versailles. It is difficult to judge whether this contributed to the fact that Britain was no longer clearly in favor of French interests at this time. The European policy of the United States has been primarily aimed at securing the reconstruction of Europe. There was a simple reason for this: only the German economy could secure the repayment of huge debts – it could not count on the French and the British. This had two consequences. The first is that Germany has obtained huge loans (Dawes and Young plans) that have guaranteed foreign investment. The second was a foreign policy move: the United States had repeatedly ratified its law of intervention by 1939, which also stated that it would not interfere in and deliver weapons to war zones. All this favored Germany and Japan, adversely affected British and French foreign policy.
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In 1917–1918, the Allied Powers became concerned at the collapse of the Eastern front and the loss of their Tsarist ally to communism. After the Bolshevik government withdrew from World War I, the Allied Powers militarily backed the anti-communist White forces in Russia. Allied efforts were hampered by divided objectives, war-weariness from the overall global conflict, and a lack of local support. On December 1918, a month after the Armistice of 11 November 1918, the French occupied Odessa. This began the intervention in southern Russia which was to aid and supply General Denikin's White Army forces, the Volunteer Army, fighting the Bolsheviks there. The campaign involved French, Polish, and Greek troops. By April 1919, they were withdrawn before the defeat of the White Army's march against Moscow. General Piotr Wrangel reorganized his army in the Crimea; however, with the deteriorating situation, he and his soldiers fled Russia aboard Allied ships on 14 November 1920. This study presents the evolution of the Russian Civil War through the eyes of the Braila press and with the help the archive documents are presented the information about the drama of refugees.
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In this research, we set out to analyze the road and the problems that Romanians encountered towards the “New World”. The Belgian shipping company Red Star Line played a major role in transporting passengers to North or Latin America through the port of Antwerp, offering services more or less accepted by emigrants. The issue of visa recognition, payment of tickets to the Americas, passing a medical examination in Antwerp or compliance with US or Canadian law were the main obstacles that passengers encountered annually. The help offered by the EZRA association from Antwerp to the Romanian Jews and not only, was their second chance to fulfill their dream. The unique documents found in the Belgian archives and the press of the time help us to understand a part of the image of the interwar period less known by the Romanian or the European historiography.
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The Liberation Front of the Slovene Nation, in which the leading role was assumed by the Communist Party of Slovenia, defined armed resistance against the occupation forces in the Slovenian territory as a path towards national liberation and unification with the ethnic territories that formed a part of the German and Italian states. The first, smaller, resistance activities were recorded shortly after the occupation of Dravska Banovina, when the preparations for an uprising or its beginning sporadically sprouted both within and out of the Communist Party of Slovenia. The German attack on the Soviet Union added fuel to the resistance movement, which began to develop actively in July 1941. This brought an end to a period of chaos within the Communist Party of Slovenia, when the leadership and most of the members opted for resistance. At the time, 41 company‐level units were formed with a strength of 15‐50 Partisans. They were poorly armed and used guerrilla tactics, but, nonetheless, attempted to carry out a couple of larger actions, such as an action to prevent the expulsion of the Slovenian population. The organizers of the resistance movement sought to encourage a wider uprising of the Slovenian population, which succeeded on a larger scale for the first time in December 1941 in the Upper Carniola region.
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Although the Vardar part of Macedoniawas briefly under the direct occu‐ pation of the Third Reich between 1941 and 1944, the documentation of the Wehrmacht represents a large database for the beginning and rise of the Macedonian liberation and anti‐fascist movement, in all its phases, starting from the autumn 1941 to the late autumn 1944. The most of the documents are those of the military and intelligence character, but also some political, economic, cultu‐ ral and national aspects related to the Vardar part of Macedonia and Macedo‐ nian liberation and anti‐fascist movement are presented in them. In this paper the authors are concentrated on several important historical milestones related to the elaborated historical problematics with analyzing, synthesizing and evalua‐ ting the documentation of some military‐operational‐territorial commands and services‐institutions of the Wehrmacht.
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The status quo of the Balkans, reached by the Versailles system of peace treaties, was destroyed in the course of the Second World War. From all Balkan states Albania was the first to experience the new order of Hitler and Mussolini and with their help accomplished its national program, precisely the unification of the Albanian people and the establishment of an Albanian identity in the Balkans. In these years “Greater Albania” was a wartime creature, which did not get international recognition. The end of the war also put to rest the idea of a national unification of the Albanian people. The Albanian state again had its boundaries established after the end of World War I; a large part of the Albanian population was left out of these borders.
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The paper is devoted to the activities of the Soviet military intelligen‐ ce in Yugoslavia during the Second World War. Various aspects of its activities are considered such as agent intelligence, organization of the work of the Balkan Center of the Soviet military intelligence, Mustafa Golu‐ bich’s reconnaissance group, «Patras» residency, the Soviet naval in‐ telligence, organization of intelligence from the positions of the Soviet mili‐ tary mission in Yugoslavia and the air base in Bari (Italy), organization of special radio communications of the Soviet military intelligence in the Balkans and biographies of agents and personnel of the Soviet military intelligence. The author has used the materials of the Russian historian Valery Kochik, who has been studying the Soviet military intelligence for several decades.
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The Appeal To The Serbian people is a document that was published as part of the propaganda activities of the Serbian collaborationist authorities in the midst of the uprising in Serbia in 1941. lt was signed by 546 people (of which more than 400 public figures) and it publicly condemned the communist action, and the Serbian people were called to support the policy of peace and not to resist the measures of the occupiers. Although it turned out that the signatures of many were extorted, that others openly refused to sign it, and that the question of the credibility of such a document is questionable, it additionally contributed to the aggravation of relations within Serbs and, condemned by the CPY, contributed to intensifying conflicts in the civil war. The fates of the signatories of this document were different after 1944; in this paper, we have succeeded in reconstructing 199 of them, believing that additional research is needed that might provide different scientific interpretations. Of the total number of reconstructed destinies, over 40% were in some way repressed by the new communist authorities, slightly less than a quarter of them were under regime surveillance but without conviction or arrest, while slightly less than 30% managed to rehabilitate and continue professional life within socialist Yugoslavia. Some entered into cooperation with the new authorities voluntarily, some involuntarily, and there were also those who reached great scientific achievements at that time. A small part of the signatories had previously been liquidated by the Germans or otherwise ended their lives during the occupation. When it comes to lesser-known personalities, their destinies remain largely unknown for the time being. We enclose their list at the end as an appendix in order to publish in one place all the names of the signatories for future additional research, which would to some extent correct the analyzes and percentages given now. Nevertheless, this research may support the thesis that the penal policy of the CPY depended on the moment and place, and that the pragmatic needs of the regime, personal connections and ideological preferences were determining factors as to whether and how someone would be punished more than it was a „shameful act of signing”.
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