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This paper brings a collection of unique photos from the a student event Majáles, which has been organized in the year 1956. In this time was the photographer Antonín Rozsypal one of the students.
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The making of the Romanian unitary national state was a long process that lasted for almost four centuries. It was only in the modern age, in a favorable political context, that Romania was built gradually, starting from 1859, than in 1877–1878 State Independence was achieved, end culminating with the Great Union, on the occasion of the Great War of 1914–1918, which Romania participated in during 1916–1918. The partially favorable international political conjuncture allowed Romania, not without diplomatic efforts and encountering resistance from the great powers, to fulfill its centuries-old dream of uniting the Romanians in a single state, on 1 December 1918. In the 100 years that have passed since the Great Union, Romania has evolved and is now a member of the European Union and NATO, these bodies waiting for it to honor its commitments, which is why the patriotic education of the young generation becomes an imperious necessity. The paper gives details on the anniversary, but also the conclusions that can be drawn from this paramount event.
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Through his life and activity, Nicolae Iorga represents a bright gift that Moldova has made to Romanian culture and spirituality. He was an authority in the epoch and was the providential man of his time. He was a Romanian encyclopaedist, memorialist, researcher, university professor and academician, literary critic, playwright, poet, prime minister, minister and MP. The scholar had an important role in the political and cultural life of the country, his activism stemming from the social and moral mission that he believed to have – to achieve the unity of the Romanian people. As a professor of history at the University of Bucharest, editor-in-chief of patriotic magazines – such as „The Sower” and „The Romanian People”, leader of the National-Democratic Party, Nicolae Iorga militated for the realization of the Romanian national state, contributed by his position, by his attitude towards the fate of the Romanian brothers from Bessarabia, Bucovina, Cadrilater, Banat, Crişana, Maramureş and Transylvania. The great historian and scholar Nicolae Iorga, being aware of the historic necessity of uniting all Romanians in one national state, was the decisive man of the moment, who exercised a powerful influence on the whole Romanian nation.
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Maria S. Celan is certainly the most remarkable Romanian marine algologist. In 2018 we celebrated 120 years since her birth. Among her achievements, we mention: State Doctorate at Sorbonne (France) in 1940/1941; professional recommendation by Dr. Grigore Antipa and employment by Professor Ioan Borcea at the Marine Biological Station at Agigea (Constanţa); 50 years of continuous didactic activity and dedicated scientific research, as part of theBlack Sea green, brown and red macroflora and plant associations; high reputation among known European algologists; member of various French and international scientific organizations.
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Zoe Apostolache Stoicescu is an outstanding Romanian female museologist and malacologist. An alumna of the Faculty of Natural Sciences, specializing in Biology, at the University of Bucharest, she held several positions: a biochemist at the Epidemiological Centre in Ploiești, a museum curator, Head of Section and Director of the Natural Sciences Museum in Ploiești, Director of the Prahova Museum Complex. She founded the Museum of Human Biology (“Museum of Man”) in Ploiești in 1984. With a Doctoral Degree in Biology (ecology), obtained under the guidance of Prof. Nicolae Botnariuc, Ms. Apostolache Stoicescu conducted research in the field of biology, ecology, ethnology (ethnobotany,ethnozoology, ethnoiatry), history of science, a.s.o., being the author of over a hundred articles and several volumes. For the Dictionary of ecology (in collaboration with P. Neacșu) she was awarded the “Emil Racoviţă” Prize by the Romanian Academy. She contributed to symposia and congresses in Romania and abroad (Paris (1973); USA (1982); Kosice (1985) etc.). She obtained scholarships in Czechoslovakia (1972), Germany (1980), USA (1982, at the Smithsonian Institute) and so on. She was a member of several scientific societies in Romania and abroad. In 1996, she became the president founder of the Artistic Cultural Foundation “Rudolf Schweitzer Cumpăna”.
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This publication aims to present the image of the Greater Poland Uprising (1918–1919) in the French and British daily press, as well as a comparison of both perspectives. The main hypothesis of the article assumes that the manner of showing events in France and Great Britain was different, which resulted from various sources of information and the different positions of both governments regarding the Polish issue, understood as an element of their policy towards defeated Germany. For the purposes of this publication, an analysis of selected French press titles was made: “Le Gaulois”, “Le Temps”, “Le Figaro”, “Le Petit Parisien”, “La Croix” as well as the British press: “The Globe”, “The Pall Mall Gazette” and “Daily Mirror”, covering the end of 1918 and the first months of 1919. These daily newspapers represented different political environments and audiences, but shared large popularity and circulation. Selected articles which provide information about the causes, outbreak, course and consequences of the Greater Poland Uprising were analyzed using the necessary historiography methods: analysis of press sources, the linguistic method and, above all, the comparative method.
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In the first postwar years after First World War the European countries, and consequently the countries on the Balkan Peninsula, were divided on revisionist and antirevisionist states. Many movements and political parties acted to change or to preserve the status quo established by Versailles system of agreements. The focus of this article are the efforts for mutual cooperation between Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization and Croatian Republican Peasant Party against the Belgrade government and Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Apart from their direct communication, a review is made of the views of the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom in the context of Macedonian-Croatian joint action and eventual changes in the Balkans.
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In 1949, the communist regime in Romania began the campaign of collectivization of agriculture according to the Soviet model. This process was long-lasting (March 1959 – April 1962) and had disastrous consequences for the Romanian village. The process of socialist transformation of agriculture (which distinguishes three stages, 1949 – 1953, 1954 – 1956, 1957 – 1962) was supported by a series of normative acts, elaborated starting with 1949. Subsequently, laws and decrees with a coercive character were issued, the adherence to the socialist transformation projects of agriculture being achieved through terror and violence. All these abuses led to the outbreak of peasant uprisings in many areas of the country, annihilated by the Militia and Security forces. In Bukovina, since 1946, there have been protests of the peasants from Rădăuţi and Suceava. At the beginning of August 1949, in Rădăuţi and Suceava counties other riots broke out, resulting in death, injuries, mass arrests, convictions in years of heavy imprisonment and deportations. 70 years after the beginning of the process of collectivization of agriculture in Romania, we publish the testimonies of Mihai Ungurean about the events that took place in Frătăuții Noi on August 7, 1949.
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At the end of the last decade of the 20th century, the myth appeared in the Republic of Moldova that the railway bridge over the Prut River was built by the famous French engineer Gustave Eiffel. The legend quickly spread through the media and deeply rooted in the minds of the general public, and the authorities assigned the name of the great architect to this engineering structure, thereby aiming to make the Ungheni bridge a local tourist attraction.The actions taken were amateurish, experts were not involved. As a result of archival research, the author of the article found that, in reality, the bridge construction engineer N. Belelyubsky was the author of the project of the first engineering structure across the Prut River in Ungheni. The bridge built by Belelyubsky was destroyed during the bombing at the end of the Second World War, and in 1946 a new one was built in its place – the one that still exists today.
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Although the year 1918 marked the beginning of the great unification of Romania, and for Poles a total rebirth of statehood after 123 years of slavery, between these processes one can find both differences and similarities. This applies in particular to the problems of political and legal integration of Polish territories into one state and the „new“ Romanian provinces with the „old“ Kingdom. At the end of WW I independent Polish and Romanian national councils were established in areas inhabited by Poles and in the lands postulated by the Romanians. Some of them immediately declared their affiliation to their Homelands - this was especially visible in the Polish lands, others were more cautious, took a waiting position - the example of Bessarabia and Transylvania - which was caused by the geopolitical situation, fear of the Bolsheviks, a complex national structure in the region. They also hoped for reforms in Russia, Austria and Hungary towards the federation, and then for autonomy in their home countries. On the other hand, the Germans in Upper Silesia and Hungarians in the areas postulated by Romania were known from the typical separatist movements, who in the projects of their quasi-states created a chance to maintain their positions. The demand for autonomy by the inhabitants of some regions (Bessarabia, Transylvania, Upper Silesia) was also the result of previous experiences of life in countries with a higher civilization level. It was not easy to combine different regions in terms of economic and mental, which makes itself known to this day. Poland and Romania, as well as other Central European countries have become national states, but Romania was more centralized. There were fears about decentralization and national minorities. There were disputes between the center and the regions about how to manage them and it was often heard in such provinces as supranational slogans such as „Basarabia for Basarabian“ and „Bukovina for Bukovinians“. Similar terms appeared in Upper Silesia, although this region was the only one in Poland that gained territorial autonomy.
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The paper examines the position of Evangelical Christian Baptists in the Moldavian SSR in the first decade of the postwar period (1944-1965).As a result of the researches carried out in the archives of the Republic of Moldova, the author concludes that, compared with the interwar period, the situation of the Baptist communities has deteriorated worsened.The number of prayer houses declined from 200 in 1939 to 89 in 1965. The number of believers also decreased from 10,000 in 1939 to 6095 in 1965.By interfering in the internal affairs of cult, the Soviet state lost control of a large number of believers (the adoption of a new statute, the prohibition of baptism for persons under the age of 25, the prohibition of philanthropic activity, etc.), because they went underground.With all the actions taken by the Soviet authorities, they failed to destroy the cult, which continued to exist even in such adverse conditions.
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In 1918, Romanian people’s sacrifices were rewarded by the decisions related to the union with the country, adopted in Kishinev (Chișinău) on 27 March/9 April, in Cernautz (Cernăuți) – on 15/28 November and in Alba Iulia‑on 18 November/1 December 1918. King Ferdinand could consider that by achieving the Great Unification (being also called afterwards „the Unifier”, achieving the land reform legislation, militating for the universal suffrage certifying and promulgating the Constitution of 1923 which proclaimed Romania as a unitary and indivisible nation‑state had fulfilled his duty to the country and could say that „before God I have a clear conscience”.
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Cet article propose l’analyse de la manière dans laquelle a été perçu le principe du bien commun parmi les acteurs de la Société des Nations, en analysent , en même temps, l’expression pratique du bien commun, comme l’articulation des tous les intérêts communs de la société mondiale de l’entre les deux guerres. On va chercher l’attitude cynique ou, au contraire, l’attitude idéaliste en ce qui concerne la convergence des actions particulières des acteurs de la SdN afin de réaliser le contexte favorable pour les principes fondateurs de la paix universelle.
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The Treaty of Trianon, signed in 1920, reduced the area of Hungary from 329,000 square kilometers or, discounting Croatia, from 282,000 square kilometers to 93,000 square kilometers; while the country’s population dropped from 20.8 million (or 18.2 million) to 7.9 million. Out of a total of 10.6 million people in the detached lands, 3.3 million or 30,2% were ethnic Hungarians (Magyars). In his essay Ignác Romsics identifies four factors which led to this dramatic outcome. Fundamental among these were the multiethnic character of historic Hungary and the growing separatism of the non-Magyar communities representing about half of the population. The author then proceeds to weigh the irredentism of Italy, Serbia and Romania as a second cluster of contributing causes. Third, the ambitions of these revisionist states were supported at the end of the Great War by the victorious great powers that expected the new or enlarged nation-states to act as a barrier to German expansion eastward or to any eventual revival of Russian expansionism westward. A fourth and final factor is identified in the pacifist orientation of the nascent democratic regime led by Mihály Károlyi. Instead of the armed defense of the homeland it acquiesced to the occupation of large Hungarian territories by Serbian, Romanian and Czech troops without any effective resistance.
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У раду се анализира историографско дело Ханса-Улриха Велера (1931–2014), једног од најутицајнијих савремених немачких историчара. Велеров рад на успостављању нове историографске парадигме –„историјске социјалне науке“ – и заснивању „Билефелдске школе“ као особеног (западно)немачког облика друштвене историје сагледан је у контексту модернизације (западно)немачке историографије и постепеног превладавања традиционалне истористичке дисциплинарне матрице. Осим приказа Велерових теоријско-методолошких схватања, нарочита пажња је посвећена његовој волуминозној синтези Немачка друштвена историја као и месту које Велер и Билефелдска школа заузимају у немачкој историографији.
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European Regions and Boundaries: A Conceptual History. Edited by Diana Mishkova and Balázs Trencsényi. New York–Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2017. 401 pp.
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Throughout its history, France has built very close ties with the Mediterranean region, which has been partially under its own authority. During this process, several armed conflicts took place, in which soldiers of different backgrounds fought for French interests. one of the extraordinary individuals who had a successful career was Raoul Magrin Vernerey (alias Monclar). He realised many successful military and administrative missions at various points in the French colonial empire, while he went through nearly every stage of the armed forces' ranks. Moreover, this military officer, who is unfortunately little-known in Hungary, was born in Budapest, and he probably had Hungarian ancestors too. For this reason, in the study we are attempting to present the life-long career of this soldier with a remarkable past behind him. The most important points of his career were linked to the Mediterranean, and he made a significant contribution to the realization of the French major power plans.
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Hornjak, Arpad: Susreti i sukobi. Ogledi o srpsko-mađarskim odnosima. Preveo sa mađarskog Ferenc Nemet. Кlio, Beograd, 2017, 387 str.
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