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This paper concentrates on the Russian poetry in newspapers in summer 1914 about the beginning of the First World War. The analysis revealed the main poetics and subject characteristics of these poems, such as proper nouns abundance, active usage of the historicisms and archaisms, the combination of enthusiastic attitude to war and its perception as irrelevant events etc. Thereby we can evaluate the immediate perception of the beginning of the war by contemporaries and get an overview of poetical and informational context in Russia in July–August 1914.
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The article is dedicated to various types of the imperial ideology in “Zavtra” magazine. Conducted analyses lead to conclusion, that the imperial ideology dominates in entire magazine’s writing content, not only in pieces about political affairs, but also about culture or even biographical reviews. The article is also an attempt of analyzing the magazine transformations starting form “perestroika” period till nowadays; from expressing an idea of “ the spirit opposition” to “the imperial ideology” of Russian state.
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У овом раду аутор истражује уметничке одговоре на АИДС епидемију у оквиру како промена политичког као таквог током осамдесетих година 20. века, тако и нарочитих политика везаних за АИДС активизам. У првом погледу кључне су биополитичке и технонаучно-медицинске промене у западним друштвима, али и процеси глобализације који су довели до различите дистрибуције како ресурса у погледу борбе против АИДС-а тако и ризика у различитим деловима света. Што се другог аспекта тиче, у анализи АИДС уметности аутор се води уметничким стратегијама којих има пет и то су транскодирајуће стратегије, медијска критика репрезентација АИДС- а, алтернативни публицитет, АИДС егземплари и стратегије жаљења и меморијализације, закључујући да је од суштинског значаја имати у виду глобални карактер епидемије.
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The foundation of the first international organization (League of Nations) in 1919 makes the breakup with traditional diplomacy. This diplomacy is known as „old diplomacy“, and represented the system of interrelations between the government of sovereign states. Such system relied on the diplomats exchange or ministers responsible to act as the representatives and information transmitters. As the information transmitters, ambassadors acted as „people present on the spot “informing their governments on the internal situation of the country where they perform their duty. As mediators, ambassadors represent their state and protect interests of their governments before the state where they were accredited in order to encourage amicable relationships between two countries. These are positive sides of old diplomacy. Negative sides tackles its conservativeness and secretions. During the 19th century diplomatic institutions are modernized as attachés for military, cultural and economic issues, which are added to diplomatic personnel. The shortcomings of old diplomacy was tried to be made up for by the first organization of universal character founded on the 28th of April 1919. It represented the compromise between the system of collective security and sovereignty of states. A great role in the foundation of the League of Nations was played by Woodrow Wilson, who based it on the critics of the system of balance of power. In his famous 14 points he emphasized the principles of new diplomacy based upon liberalism with realistic guarantees. The League of Nations showed some drawbacks, since it had been founded by the winners and prevented by the right to veto the sanctions to be applied on them. The war remained as a supreme means to right acquisition – ultima razio. It could not manage to solve the conflict between collective security and sovereignty, what was one of the main reasons USA did not acted to the Covenant. They feared that the article 16. of the Covenant might undermine American sovereignty and constitutional power of the Senate to declare the war.
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The end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century was characterized by numerous interventions that have been made in the name of democratic development and protection of human rights. The authors of this paper reexamine such statement indicating that neoimperialism became one of the main challenges of the democratic development. In the contemporary society the development of the democratic society is often followed by the development of means for justifying violence. Thus, one of the main reasons is certainly the fact that in democratic societies open use of violence became impossible (i.e. it will face condemnation of public opinion). That led to the necessity of using violence in such manner that it must be justified in the eyes of the public opinion – we must have the so called manufacturing consent. Through history nations declared to many wars arguing that they are doing this for just reasons. The authors in this paper are analyzing the basic principles of just war theory. Having in mind that theory of just war is one of the theories which define which wars are just or unjust, the authors are focusing their analysis primarily on practical manifestations of this theory. Contemporary society has brought a very important innovation which is reflected in the change of the Western countries strategy which participates in such interventions. On one side we have the development of smart weapons of mass destruction, and on the other, in the neoliberal spirit we have emerging necessity for private organizations to be involved in those interventions. In that sense first part of this paper is analyzing risks that occur in contemporary society and trying to define main challenges for the democratic development. In the second part, authors reexamine neoimperial side of the contemporary society.
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In the second half of the twentieth century, the important European documents that regulate protection of minorities were adopted. For the first time, the freedom of expression in minority languages is regulated and guaranteed. At the beginning of twenty- first century, after democratic changes in the Republic of Serbia, the new laws that were trying to incorporate the minority rights, were adopted. However, as it covered both the media law field and other legal fields (e.g. protection of national minorities, regulation of local and regional authorities), there have been many legal disputes and not all these laws have been not harmonized with each other. This lead to conflicts in implementing the regulations. For example, media laws prescribe that the state can not own any media and that the state owned media had to be privatized or its ownership transformed in some other way. On the other hand, non-media laws, such as the Law on the Capital – Belgrade or the Law on Local Authorities prescribe that local and regional authorities could establish and own the media. The second issue covered by the paper is the problem of privatization of state owned media that were broadcasting programs in minority languages. Firstly, it was regulated by a by-law, confirmed by the new Law on public information and media adopted in August 2014. Both documents say that whoever buys state-owned media that broadcast programmes in minority languages, has the obligation to keep such programme for another five years. The question is – what would happen with programmes in minority languages after five years? The paper suggests an urgent state strategy on this issue. Third issue may be that, as radio frequencies have not been digitalized yet, there may be no space in the frequency spectrum for the new radio stations that would apply to broadcast in minority languages. The paper concludes with the evaluation of the Council of Europe and the European Commission of the Republic of Serbia during the last decade on the issue on freedom of expression of minorities in their languages in media are presented. The main worry was financial sustainability of the Vojvodina’s second public service channel. This broadcast only in minority language, as for more than a year, the public service broadcasters in Serbia were financed from the state budget. The second worry was the access of minority media to frequencies and whether the Regulator took into consideration the broadcasting aimed at national minorities as a plus or not. Finally, how does the overall limitation of freedom of expression in Serbia has an influence on freedom of expression of minorities in their languages.
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Present day communication creates opportunity to develop participatory model of democracy. Its dominant characteristics are interaction and ability to present individual content and opinion in public sphere. New ways of communication through computers and global network enable greater number of community members to provide their comments and take part in forming public opinion. Information and communications technology allows innovation in traditional media, creation of new forms and produces unlimited amount of information from the political sphere for broad range of users. This in turn enables more informed political choice in democratic society and articulation of prevailing public opinion on broad social issues. Certain examples of forming public opinion, such as was the Arab Spring, revealed the importance and democratic potentials of these new use of media. These social movements increase the responsibilities of politicians in developed democracies, and more importantly present new ways of using media in the process of democratisation of some societies. However, a creation of new ways of communication in a society does not necessarily indicate that a qualitative progress in improving democratic parameters has been achieved. There are still problems related to the technical component of the communication based on computer technology: limited accessibility for some users who are not proficient, but also overload of often unreliable and no quality information. The other type of problems is related to the users of new and innovative means of communication who are the subject of democratic communication at the same time. A citizen must be motivated to search for the information needed for his/her role of an political individual and must show interest in social role of his/her being. The new way of communication reveals that Internet users can be separated and locked out by filtering information and opinions that reflects previous stands, not by ex- change of ideas that would produce productive attitudes and true public opinion. These new way of communication are abundant in negative and extremists views and bigoted polarisation that are miles away from public discussions on all- important social issues and Price’s conversion of media audience to the public. Anonymity reduces the responsibility of the negative effects that written word may have on other people. As widely acknowledged, communication through social media has also been exposed to manipulation and mismanagement. In addition, democratic potential of internet and new media have been marginalised by the way modern governments use these new technologies. Some research has confirmed that the most prevailing model of interaction between government and citizens is more commanding than consultative and inclusive. Governments still use Grunig’s model of public information that aims to distribute information for which feedback is not sought and which supposed to influence the public to support the interest of the organisation it represents. Informational technologies and the types of communications they enable can contribute significantly to democratic processes if some simple rules are obeyed such as: promotion of public debate and behaviour, forming of public discourse not focus on the private one, respect for social norms and ethics and responsibility for written publications. Every successful manifestation of virtual public that is democratic or just advocating democracy confirms the importance and usefulness of the global network and its products for the strengthening of democracy. Such manifestation are not rare globally any more but they may be susceptible to mismanagement and abuses which does not support democracy. The advantage of informational technology and new ways of communication between communities are beneficial to the Serbian society as much as this technology is being developed and becoming informational. But, how much it can contribute towards democratic processes in Serbia? Electronic versions of traditional media offer more opportunity for interaction and in addition to that, more citizens of Serbia use social network. However, there are some impediments in all these parameters of the use of the new ways of communication in Serbian democracy – complex socio- economic environment that threaten traditional media and influence the use of the global network, non- existence or disrespect for public debate or hiding behind anonymity that breeds extremism. Perhaps the most important flaw in the Serbian political life is the lack of support for consultative and participatory model of communication with the public. Instead, indirect information through traditional media still prevails and this is subjected to various non-media influences of the political elite and private businesses. Further investigation of the Serbian political scene should examine current use of new technologies for enabling two way communications between power holders and citizens as it is the precondition for democratic development. There is also a need to analyse positive examples of respectful and responsible treatment of prevailing opinion of the majority by decision makers.
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The goal of this research is to investigate and compare the inter-ethnic and interstate clashes and wars in the Balkan micro region of Kosovo-Metohija with those from the macro region of the Caucasus. After February 2008 when Kosovo Albanian-dominated Parliament proclaimed Kosovo independence (without organizing a referenda) with obvious US diplomatic support (unilateral recognition) with explanation that the Kosovo case is unique in the World (i.e., it will be not repeated again) one can ask the question: is the problem of the southern Serbian province of Kosovo-Metochia really unique and surely unrepeatable in some other parts of the World as the US administration was trying to convince the rest of the international community?
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A state certainly represents one of the most important forms of society organizing in social and political terms that had always stood for being a significant place of politicological and sociological analyses. The interest for the state in history naturally varied so that at the end of the 20th century it was marked with a great comeback. The main goal of this paper is to point out to the most important theoretical approaches to the studying of the modern state as well as to underline its position within the context of contemporary social processes giving the accent on: the pluralistic theory, the theory of elites, the Marxism, the theory of public choice, the institutionalism, the ecological approach, the feminism, and the neoliberalism. A state in contemporary society is facing numerous challenges. Globalization, transition, technological development, social conflicts and many other contemporary social processes daily influence the society`s institutional organization as well as the actual society at large. The result of the globalization processes influence is the increasing of the migration process and the capital flow as well. Making the analyses of the relations between the national state and the neoliberal concept we have to point out that the national state is not a burden that one should be liberated from at any cost, yet it is above all the neoliberal concept of globalization.
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This paper examines the role of Kosovo myth in shaping Serbian national identity through a very complex socio-historical processes, as well as his reflections on modern Serbian politics. The emergence of the Kosovo myth is related to the narratives of the battle of Kosovo in the 1389th founded in the church literature and the Serbian poems of Kosovo epic cycle, and then in continuing storytelling about this event which belong to different discourses. The Kosovo myth is the most important Serbian myth that forms the basis of Serbian national identity. It was an important element of national feelings and had a very important role in the cultural and political homogenization of Serbs, especially during the wars of liberation from the Ottoman Empire. Its peak, the Kosovo myth reached during the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), when the liberation of Kosovo and other Serbian regions, was interpreted as the fulfillment of the covenant of ancestors and revenge to Turks for the defeat from the 1389th year. The myth was later not so emphasised except it two more powerful waves. First, during the First World War when it was instrumentalized in the function of unification of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and was treated as a common cultural heritage that unites these nations; and then, at the end of the twentieth century, during the escalation of the crisis in Kosovo and Metohija and the celebration of the 600-year Battle of Kosovo (1989).
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This paper represents the attempt of the authors to point to the political consequences of the long-term use of the violence on the Balkan by the Albanian separatist terrorist movement towards the Serbs. Its aim is also to point to the great mistakes of western powers which have continuously encouraged the Albanians on the Balkan to use violence. In the second part of the XX century, they have the most directly encouraged the national prepotency of the Albanians, by encouraging them to conduct the Albanian terror, whose ideology is Albanism, and the form is the ultra-right or fascistic terrorism. It took the most intense form in the second half of the XX century and at the beginning of the XXI century, when the political consequences of that violence warn and threat to the security of the region. The threat to the security of the Balkan at the beginning of the XXI century is even more expressed, and the violence over Serbia by some western powers is even more intense. Since the formation of the Serbian state on the Balkan, the Serbs have always struggled only for the existence and survival. By analizing the historical documents about the expatriation of the Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija in the last three centuries (1690-2006), one can conclude that from the former Old Serbia (today Kosovo and Metohija), approximately 1.150.000 Serbs have been violently expelled, about 200.000 have been killed, and about 150-200.000 have been converted to Islam. In the Middle Ages there was no special name for this area, except for the general name Serbia. At the beginning of the XXI century, the Albanian separatist terrorist movement represents the great threat to the security on the Balkan, especially after the seizure of 10.887 km2 of the territory of Serbia with the help of the western allies. The Serbs have the constitutional and historical right on Kosovo and Metohija, which is always older than the ethnic right, and the international law is also on the side of Serbia, because the UN Charter forbids the violent seizure of parts of sovereign states. The size of a national community is not determined by its size within one part of the state, but in comparison to the state as a whole, and according to that criteria, the Albanians constitute the national minority in Serbia. No national minority in the world has had the right to its own state. A national community cannot declare itself a nation or a national minority. The political consequences of the effects of the Albanian separatist terrorist movement on the Balkan at the beginning of the XXI century warn UN and EU, because the disintegration processes on the Balkan haven’t been finished, according to their opinion, and it is well known that the change of the borders is followed by long and exhausting wars.
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In the post- war period (since the middle of the XX century), the European territory has been covered by dynamic and very comprehensive changes in all spheres of social life. The paper shows dilemmas through which the EU has passed in terms of determination of the status of religion in this territory. Namely, there were some discussions on whether Christianity as the dominant religion in Europe should be the official religion of the Union or not. The opinions were divided, but the attitude that religious affiliation is a personal thing of each individual prevailed, which means that everyone has the right and freedom to change their religious affiliation. It is certain that the creators of the European model of uniting countries had in mind the significance of religious tolerance and free choice of believers as an essential factor of peaceful and stable development in the territory of the European Union.
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Policy of changing national identity is noticeable even in the Old Testament. This was accomplished when pagans accepted Jewish faith, and after that became a part of Jewish people. This politic is continued in Roman-Catholic church by practicing proselytism in two ways: first, turning into Roman Catholicism, in that context especially the Orthodox, who were denationalized and then included into an existing nations, or in a newly invented nation (Croats, Ukrainians...) and, secondly, through the Union, where there was a possibility of preserving the Byzantine (Orthodox) rites, but later the Uniats were also denationalized and out of them new nations were created or, as it happened more often, they were lost in some of the existing nations whose religion was Roman Catholicism. Main characteristic of both of these processes is that the most of the converts became ardent haters of religion and nation from which they originated. This policy of the Roman Catholic Church in Europe was particularly emphasized until the 1918. more precisely until the end of the existence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Kingdom of Poland, and then the Vatican became its main protagonist - which is especially evident during the Second World War in the so-called. Independent State of Croatia as well as in the Soviet Union. New policy in the creation artificial nations in Europe still insists on a religious alienation of the nations who are not pleasing the U.S. and the European Union, all “for the European perspective”, but this is not the exclusive task. On the religious level, novelty is creation of a multitude of sects that attack certain people and change their basic social values and understanding of the world. When it fails, there are also modern social technologies that build a new ideology, usually through the media (in which now electronic social networks must be included), by party and state policies, economic pressures, and so on.
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The end of the twentieth century can be characterized as the “a time of nationalism” having in mind the awakening of ethnicity and “explosion” of national identity of many ethnic communities. During this period, which is characterized by radical socio-political and socio-economic changes, as well as the strengthening of nationalism in many countries in Central and Eastern Europe and the Balkans, in Serbia has been an “awakening” of the national consciousness of the majority nationalities, as well as many members of ethnic minorities. This had resulted in a change of national affiliation which is particularly reflected on ethno-statistical and demographic data, thus on population dynamics of many nationalities, as well as change of ethnic structure of population of Serbia. The paper will be based on the results of population censuses and it will show how the members of certain ethnic minorities (e.g.Roma, Vlachs) significantly declared to another nation. According to the 2002 census results the affirmation of national identity, ethnic emancipation and nationalconfessional awakening was a key factor of natural increase and demographic development of certain nationalities in Serbia.
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