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Mentalities and behaviors are the result of the interactions between persons/groups and the environment. The present paper explores the way mentalities and behaviors have been created by and have themselves determined the economic, social and political processes on the present day Romanian territory at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. A historical perspective to the study of mentalities shows that the adaptation of a certain mindset, of the mainstream values characteristic of an epoch, to the changes in the evolution of the economy and society was also responsible for preparing the changes in the development of the economy. The capitalist spirit, understood as attitudes towards money, goods, trade, capital movement, is the main element in inducing and developing the new business oriented behavior. The economic constraint becomes way as well as means of building up a wage earning attitude and behavior of workers in the unfolding of economic activities. The present paper explores the differences between economic and business mentalities of people belonging to developed and emerging market economies by considering their historical development. Although on the present Romanian territory the 19th century was characterized by a profound political instability, reflected in specific life values and attitudes, at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the main institutions which allowed the functioning of the market, the social contract and democracy had been set up and were running. The paper looks at the importance of the presence in the curriculum of business schools of the history of economy and/or of economic thought disciplines in order to help Romanian business higher education become a driving force in changing present day mentalities into values that pro-actively help Romanian students to become effective employees on the globalized labour markets.
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The long-term socio-historical processes of feeling uniqueness and belonging to ethnic, cultural and political communities formed the Serbian identity. National consciousness, associated with Nemanja and St. Sava and centered on memories of the existence and glory of Serbian medieval state, is the key factor of Serbian identity. They won the autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church and laid the foundations of Serbian statehood after the Byzantine model. Very important role in formation of Serbian identity played music. It has been an integral part of religious rituals, state and court ceremonies, military campaigns and the winning ceremony, celebration and folk joy. In those events, the music directly contributed to the development of patriotic feelings and combat morale. The Turkish authorities have prevented the maintenance of religious rituals, folk customs and celebrations during centuries of slavery under their rule. However, behind its walls, churches and monasteries continued to be places where the people could choir hymns as well as in their homes, were people secretly sang and played, nursed their customs, thanks to which managed to preserve their culture and national consciousness. From the First Serbian Uprising (1804), the music was more present in people but also among the rebels. At the same time, besides the process of liberation from the Ottoman Empire and the creation of the modern Serbian state, the Serbian people carried out a major cultural and educational revival. Inspired by Serbian folklore, church music and national history music was even more artistically shaped in the works of many composers. Music strongly urged patriotic feelings, which is especially evident at the time of liberation wars (1912-1918). Thosesongs, by their defiant, libertarian, patriotic and humanistic spirit powerfully lifted the moral conscience of the people, strengthened the fighting spirit and unity and encouraged fight for freedom. Serbian music has evolved largely spontaneously its basic characteristics, in addition to artistic and aesthetic nature, the authenticity, peculiarity and originality until the creation of Yugoslavia. Later, the development of music was increasingly directed by cultural policy and it was a very important instrument in the process of reconstruction of national identity. During the twentieth century Serbian identity went through three waves of reconstruction, which were determined by national interests, ideological, political and national reasons: 1) blending of Serbian identity into the Yugoslav; 2) the transformation of the Yugoslav identity through politics of brotherhood and unity; and 3) as Yugoslavia disintegrated return to Serbianhood. According to the new system of values and the prevailing ideological and political convictions, music creativity was favored in these processes. By doing this and favoring Yugoslav, cosmopolitan, revolutionary and other elements that have formed new music and celebrated musical life in Yugoslavia, national music has been increasingly suppressed. Such music directly contributed to the development of the Yugoslav consciousness, strengthening unity and tied the people through new ideological constructs. The renaissance of the Serbian national music took place at the time of leaving the Yugoslav and renewal of Serbian identity, especially in awakening national consciousness and developing national feelings. The music had a very important role in the formation of Serbian national identity as well as its reconstruction. On the other hand, the Serbian identity was grounded in authentic music, which through its evolution had multiple functions and was an integral factor in the system of values of Serbian society.
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Прослава стогодишњице Ι устанка обележена је низом манифестација, током скоро целе 1904. године. Рад на овоме резултирао је и великом количином списа. Она је, и поред спољњег познавања догађаја из те године, остала највећим делом, сем архивистима, непозната нашој научној и широј јавности. Задатак архивисте је да своје знање о овој, као и о другој грађи пренесе и својим колегама и најширој јавности. Из улоге коју имају архиви, а то је да служе потребама друштва у целини, пре свега науци, произлази и њихов задатак да архивску грађу учине приступачном јавности и тиме омогуће научноистраживачки рад у свим доменима друштвеног живота.
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The paper aims to provide an analysis of the politics of two local interest groups of Prešov, the so-called city parties, as specific forms of middle class dissatisfaction in the interwar period. Based on contemporary election results and archival sources, the first part of the study examines the political behaviour of the inhabitants of Prešov between 1920 and 1935, which helps to determine to what extent the city parties were popular among the multilingual and multi-religious voters. The second part investigates the social composition and the political discourse of the city parties. These local political groups were supported by 10-12% of the voters. Most of their followers were organized among the liberal middle classes, who were not able to identity with the politics of the big parliamentary parties. Their members defined themselves mainly against the Communist and Catholic movement. However, they also criticized the measures of the Czechoslovak government. And at the level of discourse they expressed dissatisfaction with the domestic policy of Czechoslovakia in the form of a virtual community of city burghers, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds. It is argued that because of the high percentage of Hungarian and Jewish intellectuals and entrepreneurs among the leaders and supporters of the local parties, this type of local politics might have been an alternative to the Jewish and Hungarian national politics at a local level.
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The following study deals with the activities of Christian Social Workers' organizations and Christian trade union movements operating in Slovakia in the first half of the 20th century. The Social Democratic Party of Hungary had gained a dominant position in the trade union movement in Hungary. Discrepancies between the Slovak Social Democrats and Catholic priests were weakened by their common interest in improving the social status of the Slovaks. The Social Democrats also became the strongest political group in the First Czechoslovak Republic. After losing their dominant political position, they retained a leading position in the trade union movement. Various Christian trade union organizations operated in Slovakia. The Slovak Christian Social Trade Union Association of Workers' gradually gained the most important position among them. It was under the influence of the Slovak People's Party. The study offers a picture of the cooperation and conflicts of the Slovak Christian Social Trade Union Association of Workers' with others trade union organizations. The author also turns his attention to the social and political struggles of this trade union movement within the Slovak People's Party. After the breakup of the Czechoslovak Republic, the Christian trade unions were the only legally operating Slovak trade union organizations, but they still had to end their activity in the period of the Slovak Republic.
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The study focuses on the social situation at Slovak university in the 30's of the 20th century, and especially the question of how academics, namely active functionaries of student associations, tried to solve this complex and complicated issue themselves. Poor social status in academic circles, high tuition fees or accommodation costs, its planned increase, the lack of accommodation facilities and few possibilities for getting a job after graduation, were all factors that influenced the growth of discontent among the university student population and in some cases led to radicalism. The tensions between students and government institutions increased especially after the second half of the 30's. Solutions to the emergency situation were largely under the influence of political interests. Academic and national institutions were sceptical of the submitted solutions, which often resulted in negative discussions among academics themselves. Therefore the social status of university students logically reflected the political situation in Slovakia, which at that time was also radicalized.
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Educational activities were an important part of the cultural policy of the First Czechoslovak Republic. They were carried out within the scope of four laws aimed at organizing civic education courses, establishing public municipal libraries, setting up municipal chronicles and civilian military education. These activities existed under the authority of the Ministry of Education and National Edification in Prague, which delegated some of their competences to the Department of the Ministry of Education and National Edification in Bratislava. The Czechoslovak Republic invested a lot more funds into education and training than the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. The 20's of the 20th century saw the most generous funding; it was a time when public education experienced its best period. Edification was carried out by educators working in district associations and local edification committees. Most edification workers were found in the ranks of teachers of primary and secondary schools. The Great Depression hit public education by reducing state subsidies, which were the lowest in the period 1932 - 1934. At this time of deteriorating economic conditions, educational activities focused on the organization of courses for unemployed young people under 17 years of age, and educational courses for women. The main objective of all activities was the education of citizens towards democracy and civic responsibility in the spirit of the idea of Czechoslovak national unity. The economic crisis was understood primarily as a moral crisis and radical displays of young people were considered a symptom of moral decline. Educational activities took a new direction in the second half of the 30's of the 20th century. Military education became the main focus, as did issues of war and the defence of the Republic. After the breakup of Czechoslovakia, the educational and edification associations ceased to exist and their activities were carried out only by Matica slovenská.
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Negotiations focused on full diplomatic recognition of the USSR by Czechoslovakia, which was the main task of Alexandr J. Arosev (head of the soviet mission to Prague from 1929-1933), required intense and friendly contacts with local political, economic and cultural elites. On the other hand, these contradicted the expectations of the local Communist community, which was relying on the production of an image of the USSR as the "homeland of all proletarians" and as their protector from alien bourgeois regimes. Moreover, in 1932, Arosev, a divorced father of three teenage girls who lived with him, got married to a local woman, whose circumstances were incompatible with the propagated preferences of the regime that he was supposed to represent. The study concentrates on memories of the everyday tensions between his different professional tasks and his private life, and on a comparative analysis of their interpretations in his diaries and in the published memoirs of his heirs.
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Arterial pressure is exerted by blood on arterial walls. Arterial hypertension is a condition which is characterized by increased pressure in arterial bloodstream. Every time when hearth makes a beat (i.e. makes a contraction) it pumps blood in the arteries. The measuring and monitoring of arterial pressure values in human organism has not been recognized as a routine part of clinical examination and evaluation until 20th century. On the other hand, the pulse has been monitored and determined for centuries before, as it is physically and practically more accessible for monitoring and measuring. Galen’s description of the function of hearth, arteries and veins was considered correct up until 1628, when William Harvey (1578-1657) described bloodstream with hearth as a driving pump. Our contemporary understanding of circulation and therefore arterial pressure begins with William Harvey’s discoveries, who understood and published systematic circulation in his book De motu cordis. The measurement of arterial blood pressure becomes a routine procedure since Nikolai Sergeyevich Korotkoff, who in 1905 described the sounds audible with stethoscope which was positioned on brachial artery below Riva-Rocci’s inflatable cuff during its gradual deflating. The research conducted during 1920’s had discovered the influence of increased arterial pressure on health of general population. The possibilities of treatment were limited and fatal outcome of untreated disease and its complications frequent. Only in the second half of 20th century the breakthrough was achieved. The appearance of hydrochlorothiazide in 1950 (diuretic of the thiazide class) is one of such discoveries.
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This paper presents three autobiographical accounts by Etla (Edwarda) Bomsztyk (1899–1973), a Jewish house maid. Two of these unique testimonies (one published in Yiddish in 1959, the other recorded in Polish in 1966) focus on Bomsztyk’s political activity. This activity encompasses organizing domestic servants into unions in Warsaw in the 1920s, membership in the Bund and the Communist Party of Poland, and political imprisonment. The third account, written in Polish in 1953 and never before published, sits outside any institutional context. This consists in a personal narration on childhood in a small-town Jewish family, migration to Warsaw, poverty and suffering, first readings, loneliness and revolt. The aim of this paper is to reveal the tension that exists between these three texts. That is, between two accounts of political militancy on the one hand, and with early experiences that, though a prerequisite for Bomsztyk’s later political engagement, nevertheless could not be fully articulated within communist party discourse.
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Globalization processes, primarily of an economic and cultural nature, particularly intensified at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries exerting considerable influence on the operations of democratic states, including local governments, which was the outcome of dynamic changes in their environments. The collapse of the caring state model has posed new challenges to local governments in Europe. In practice, it meant the implementation of reforms aimed at the devolution of the state along the axis of the empowerment of local communities. The primary outcome of globalization in the area of European local government involves reformed spatial structure, institutional changes and searching for adequate management systems for public administration,taking the form of two processes, namely the commercialization of public activities and seeking to socialize this type of activity.
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