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The following article relies on sources from the archive of the only Association of the Bukovinian Germans – “Landsmannschaft der Buchenlanddeutschen” – which was active on (almost) the entire federal territory of Germany. This organization was founded in 1949 and was disbanded at the request of its last president, Ewald Zachman, in 2019.The author considers that members of the three to four Christian groups of German speaking population in Bukovina – among which there was no ethnic cohesion before the displacement, but rather a confessional, socio-economic or local one – were turned into“Bukovinian Germans” by the action of “entnopolitical entrepreneurs / performers”(as according to Roger Brubaker). In order to problematize the “becoming” of the Bukovinian Germans, Weidle formulates and presents four hypotheses: 1. The involvement(commitment) of people who enjoyed authority or notoriety in the “old homeland”, Bukovina, even if many of them collaborated with the National Socialist regime;2. The top-down legitimation, i. e. since the first years of its existence, the “Association of the Bukovinian Germans” has been conferred various competences, including that of deciding who should be compensated for the material losses suffered as a result of the displacement. The fact that many Jewish women and men from Bukovina were not recognized as belonging to a “German cultural community” and they did not benefit from compensation would be, according to the author of this hypothesis, one of the darkest aspects in the history of the organization of the “Bukovinian Germans” in Germany;3. Control of the dissemination of meaningful narratives for the social group of Christian Germanophones and of the way in which the “Bukovinian Germans” were perceived in the social environment. The newspaper of the “Bukovinians from all over the world”, i. e.“Der Südostdeutsche”, has always propagated the idea of the existence of an authentic community and has always urged its readers to attract other subscribers, thus managing to gain influence; 4. Nothing can be done without the “Landsmannschaft” (“Nichts ohne die Landsmannschaft”). All actions to socialize or strengthen the cohesion of the group were dependent on the “Landsmannschaft”, which organized and marked the most important events and decided, at least in the first years of the organizationʼs existence, who the speakers were and asked for speeches in order to consent to their content.
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The first part of the article presents some of the legislative measures regarding the construction of buildings in Bukovina, issued during 1783–1863. These relate to: “fire regulation”, “regulation and widening of streets and markets and the use of construction materials only”, the construction of adjacent buildings, garbage dump and road construction distance, use of “solid construction materials”, use of bare bricks, construction of holes and use of zinc to cover private buildings, and so on. Two laws were drafted on “the offices called to exercise the construction policy and their operation”. In the second part are described the typologies of traditional construction in Bukovina, a region where the woodworking craftsmanship has taken shape since archaic times. Over the years, techniques have been developed for a comfortable living, the solutions found for joining beams or making roofs (with shingles of different sizes) with two or four sloping sides being some of the elements of authenticity of the traditional Bukovinian architecture. From a single-room dwelling with a porch house, the traditional wooden house evolved to a “room-passage-room” type of house, with a veranda, an arbour in front of the house and a pantry on the back. The shape, materials, dimensions and construction technique of the doors and windows, the use of natural building materials for the foundation of the house (cut and shaped stone blocks, without any mortar to bind them) complete the harmonious appearance of the traditional Bukovinian house. The decorations of the houses (often fretwork patterns like rosettes, squares, rhombuses, rectangles, moose, ropes, birds, “trees of life”) are characterized by sobriety and include symbols specific to the spirituality of the place. The roofs also have decorative elements like the so-called “beetles”, or fumigants and pins on the top. Some of the fences, made of beech or plank, have roofs with two slops, with decorative elements (carving or fretwork) on pillars and gates. Regarding the household annexes (stable with barn, cellar or pantry,summer kitchen) – these are positioned around the house and are built of the same materials as the house.
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Review of: Bogdan Petru Niculică, Ştefăniţa-Mihaela Ungureanu, Josef von Gutter, cel dintâi arheolog al Bucovinei şi scrisorile sale către istoricul Franz A. Wickenhauser, cuvânt înainte conf. univ. dr. Mircea Ignat, Suceava, Editura Karl A. Romstorfer, 2019, 242 p. Mihai Iacobescu, Însemnări despre oameni și cărți, Iași, Editura Junimea, 2020, 242 p. Marian Olaru (coord.), Ștefănița-Mihaela Ungureanu, Cristian Alexandru Boghian, Case tradiționale din Bucovina, Editura Universității „Ștefan cel Mare”, Suceava, 2020, 149 p. + 5 p. Mugur Andronic, Fortificațiile Bucovinei de-a lungul timpului. Bukovina fortifications over time, seria „Pagini din istoria și cultura Bucovinei”, XIX, Societatea Culturală Ștefan cel Mare – Bucovina), Suceava f.e., 2021, 184 p. + 44 planșe. «Glasul Bucovinei». Revistă trimestrială de istorie şi cultură”, Cernăuţi – Bucureşti, anul XXVI, nr. 1–2 (105–106), 2020, 223 p. „«Scriptum». Publicație trimestrială a Bibliotecii Bucovinei «I. G. Sbiera»”, Suceava, anul XXVII, nr. 1–2, 2021, 40 p.; nr. 3–4, 2021, 40 p.
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The author considers a set of military propaganda measures taken by Soviet troops to seize the territories of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina. Regular units of the USSR Armed Forces which were united in a specially created Southern Front, whose troops were concentrated on the border with Romania, were used to achieve this goal.On June 28, 1940, Soviet troops crossed the Dniester and entered Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina. Romanian units were ordered to withdraw in an organized manner. The Red Army exceeded the agreed rate of evacuation of Romanian troops, violated the line of demarcation, which led to local incidents. There were cases of disarmament of Romanian soldiers. There were armed clashes, a result of which were loses of both sides, including killed. In turn, the Red Army also felt hostility, encountering minefields, anti-tank barriers, trenches, mined or dismantled railways and bridges. Both Soviet and Romanian military units took certain military-administrative measures against the civilian population, which had different motives and forms of manifestation. The low level of morale of the retreating Romanian army led to the disintegration of entire military units, whose soldiers dropped their weapons and fled home. At the same time, there were serious violations of military discipline among the Red Army, for which the soldiers were punished, including the death penalty.Immediately after the Red Army entered Bessarabia and the Northern part of Bukovina, a huge Soviet propaganda machine began to operate. A large number of newspapers and special literature were distributed among the population and soldiers; and posters and slogans were hung in the streets and houses. Politicians of the Red Army organized rallies and demonstrations to awaken in the souls of the Bessarabians and Bukovinians “love for the liberators and a sense of confidence in the Soviet authority”. The annexation of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina by the Soviet Union in June – July, 1940 can be considered a well-thought-out and carefully prepared political-diplomatic and military-propaganda campaign. These territories were occupied by the Red Army according to all the rules of military art (all components of the military operation were used: military force, local military pressure, military intelligence, propaganda and propaganda service), thanks to which the USSR achieved its goal.
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The war in Ukraine has led to a fundamental rethinking of European security, with further enlargement of both the EU and NATO being discussed today. Kyiv demanded a quick procedure for membership in the European Union, and the EU has categorically shown that Ukraine belongs to the European family. Enlargement policy has proved to be one of the most successful instruments in promoting political, economic and social reforms, as well as in consolidating peace, stability and democracy in Europe, proving that the European Union's enlargement policy is not purely technical process, but a geopolitical tool that also requires a more strategic approach. As a result of EU support, Ukraine is pursuing an ambitious fiscal policy, institutions are showing increasing resilience in their efforts to guarantee democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect and protection of minorities. The present academic research examines the possible scenarios for the development of the European Union and the war in Ukraine from now on. The possible scenarios are separated into two groups, “Emotional” and “Temporal”, and the combination between the two groups allows a total of 9 possible scenarios to be outlined.
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This paper examines the attitude of socialist groups in Ottoman Salonica from different ethnic backgrounds to the conflict between empire and nation-state during the first term of the Second Constitutional Era (1908 – 1912) in the aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution. Following the stories of Abraham Benaroya (1887 – 1979), the renowned Jewish printing worker, and Dimitar Vlahov (1878 – 1953), the esteemed Macedo-Bulgarian political activist, and their interactions with like-minded socialists from Bulgarian, Greek, Jewish, and Turkish origins, I analyze how these particular socialist organizations in Salonica integrated Ottomanism, or the imperial nationalism which pursued the equality of Ottoman citizens and the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, into their class politics. Using a wide array of sources which include parliamentary minutes, newspapers and memoirs, I argue that socialist activists in Salonica, in the heyday of nationalism, believed in the possibility of a socialist future within the Ottoman Empire. Notwithstanding their disagreements with the elected Ottoman government, Salonican socialists openly opted for the constitutional and ethnically heterogenous empire rather than its disintegration and territorial accession to the homogenized Balkan states.
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Reviews of: Kirjarahva pildiraamat. Fotosid aastatest 2001–2009. Pildistanud Alar Madisson, koostanud Alar Madisson, Piret Noorhani, Vilve Asmer. Tartu: Eesti Kirjandusmuuseum, Kunst, 2009. [127] lk Kirjarahva teine pildiraamat. Fotosid aastatest 2010–2013. Pildistanud Alar Madisson, koostanud Alar Madisson, Piret Noorhani, Vilve Asmer. Tartu: Eesti Kirjandusmuuseum, 2013. [123] lk. Lev Võgotski. Mõtlemine ja kõne. Psühholoogilised uurimused. Tõlkinud Peeter Tulviste. (Avatud Eesti Raamat.) Tartu: Ilmamaa, 2014. 509 lk. Leo Tolstoi. Mis on kunst? Tõlkinud Andri Ksenofontov. (Avatud Eesti Raamat.) Tartu: Ilmamaa, 2014. 314 lk. Eesti perioodikas ilmunud järjejuttude bibliograafia 1918–1944. Koostaja Kalev Sikk. Väljaandja: Lembit Sikk Pärna talu, 2014. 258 lk + Lisad: Anderomaanid, 6 lk; Errata, 1 lk. Kas sa Tammsaaret oled lugenud? Kirjanduslik eluloovestlus Helga Nõuga. Koostaja Rutt Hinrikus. Tartu: Eesti Kirjandusmuuseum, Eesti Kultuurilooline Arhiiv, 2014. 144 lk. Helga Nõu. Valetaja. Mälestused, tõeotsimised. Tallinn: Eesti Ajalehed, 2011. 280 lk. Martin Klöker. Tallinna kirjanduselu 17. sajandi esimesel poolel (1600-1657). Haridusinstitutsioonid ja juhuluuletamine. Tõlkinud ja eessõna Kristi Viiding. Tallinn: Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus, 2014. 679 lk.
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Ethnic contact zone has been for centuries present along the Croatian-Hungarian border on the axis of the Drava River, stretching from the Mura River to Vojvodina. The objective of the paper is to illustrate the main factors that influenced assimilation after the First World War, and the forming of the border between Hungary and the Kingdom of the Serbs, the Croats and the Slovenes (later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia). It further shows the status of the “imprisoned” persons of the Croatian, the Slovenian and the Serbian nationalities on the Hungarian side of the border, the characteristics of their social and economic relations with homeland, political and geographical changes that influenced their everyday life, and the consequences thereof. High-quality foreign policy between Yugoslavia and Hungary and the atmosphere created by the great European politics marked their bilateral border relations in the period between the two World Wars.
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The everyday life of the deportees was orchestrated by the authorities through work, education and leisure and through intrusion in their family life. Under constant surveillance, people submitted themselves to the demands and executed the chores established by the regime. However, from the very beginning they struggled to preserve their agency. This article, based on the memories of former deportees, underlines their capacity to resist repression, to overcome the social constraints and to create social groups parallel to the official ones.
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Cet article analyse les rapports entre la domination politique de l’État roumain, pendant le socialisme et le post-socialisme, et les stratégies et tactiques de résistance et d’adaptation des gens ordinaires (common people) aux politiques étatistes. Cette relation dynamique sera observée à partir des réalités de la vallée du Jiu, l’une des régions les plus touchées par le projet de l’État, axé d’abord sur l’industrialisation accélérée et, ensuite, sur la désindustrialisation, également, accélérée, avec des répercussions majeures sur les relations sociales. En corroborant les entretiens et les récits de vie avec des articles de presse de l’époque, nous entendons comprendre le contrôle de la production et de la population par l’État, l’appropriation et l’aménagement du territoire, le licenciement de la main-d’œuvre lors de la transition du communisme au capitalisme, tout comme les répercussions de ces mesures étatistes sur la vie quotidienne des gens et la résilience de ces derniers à l’ordre politique.
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During communism, the villages of Vama Veche and 2 Mai became a mythological place for the cultural and artistic bohemian. Artists and intellectuals came there during the summer in order to work and relax in a space where the authorities chose to stay away (at least in a visible way). This indulged „freedom” transformed the area in a safe space for their daily interaction and activities, beyond borders and limitations. After the fall of communism, this area became a kind of „lieu de mémoire” revisited mostly in the imagination while invested with the aura of sacredness.
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The collectivisation of agriculture was the first policy of the Romanian state aiming to radically change the rural area. It affected directly the everyday life of the Romanian villagers by transforming the state from a distant, rather “urban” idea, into a social, political and economic actor directly involved at the local level. Lasting for more than 13 years, the collectivisation was the most noticeable aspect of the communist intervention, taking place alongside with other policies such as the development of party organisations in the villages, the expanding of the local bureaucracy or the nationalisation of the village economy. As the rural population represented the majority of Romanians and the support for communism was rather scarce in the villages, the party used a cautious strategy of collectivisation, preferring, at least in the initial stages of it, to strengthen its presence in the villages and to avoid forcing the peasants to join the collective farms. Although it did not manage to completely avoid the usage of repression and the clashes with the peasants, the Romanian communist party was successful in preventing widespread protest movements such as the ones in 1953 in Poland and DDR, in 1956 in Hungary or in 1968 in Czechoslovakia. This article try to explain, based on the everyday life in several villages in Romania, the strategies which the party used in order to gradually transform the rural are and to avoid widespread protests from the peasants.
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This study presents some of the leading Polish researchers with their most im¬portant works on Bulgarian history in the 20th century, written after 1989, when both the priorities and approaches in historical studies changed. It identifies three thematic blocks, in which most of the research of Polish historians is concentrated: the examination of issues of Bulgarian political history in the context of Balkan history; the study of Bulgarian historical development with an emphasis on the social and political changes in the country; and the presentation of Bulgarian-Polish relations, which understandably receive the most attention.
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The aim of this article is to examine the relations between the government and the theater in the first months after the coup of 9 September 1944.The main focus is on the conduct of the “purge” in the Union of the Artists in Bulgaria, which is part of the transformations in the cultural organizations after the Fatherland Front came to power. For this purpose, the method of historical analysis is applied. The study reveals that the leadership of the Union of the Artists take the initiative to “eradicate fascism in culture” by carrying out a “purge” in its rows, thus fulfilling the task set by the new government of the Fatherland Front. Data is presented on the number of members “purged”, along with information on the charges against them and the fate of some of them in the following years.
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This current article examines the changes that occurred in the leadership of the Bulgarian Agrarian Union in the period from November 10 to the end of 1989. The research presents the reflection of what is happening in the Bulgarian Communist Party and the country in relation to the Union, the differences in the reactions of the agrarian leaders, the main themes, which become the subject of debates by the union members, the contradictions between the BZNS leadership and the forming critical group of members, as well as the opposite positions between the structures in the country about intra-party and public issues. The topic is also presented in the light of a process coming into view not only of the political entities in the country, but also of the diplomatic corps. The purpose of the article is to shed light on the main interrelationships, causes and consequences that led to the changes at the top of the union.
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