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Ovaj tekst se neće baviti celokupnom istorijom pozorišta, niti će nastojati da pruži kompletnu sliku pozorišnog XX veka, koji odlikuje mnoštvo teorija i praksi – ženskih, feminističkih i mnogih drugih zanimljivih koje se možda ne mogu uklopiti u neku od te dve kategorije. U ovom tekstu ću izabrati pojedine primere koji ilustruju na koje sve načine učenjem o pozorištu i konstruisanjem njegove istorije nastavljamo da reprodukujemo rodne stereotipe, i kako ih lako ugrađujemo u pozorišne (i svakodnevne) prakse. Na kraju teksta ću dati primere kako neki pristupi pozorištu otvaraju druge mogućnosti, i postaju jedan od načina da se stereotipi, nejednakost i različiti društveni problemi koji iz njih proističu, dovedu u pitanje, a možda čak i promene.
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The book you are holding attempts to represent the world of women in the times when life became extremely accelerated – ideologised, industrialised, psychoanalysed, technologised, mobilised, commercialised, relativised. Our book has many a limitation. Methodologically, its chapters are not fully harmonised; it lacks the analysis of the construction of woman in different ideologies. It was written quickly, but with passion, love and regret that not all archives, museums or libraries across Bosnia and Herzegovina and abroad were visited (a lot of the relevant material is not located in BiH). The driving force behind this endeavour of a group of people was the exclusion of women from the main trends, loss of continuity and their deletion from the cultural, scientific and all other memories. Therefore, this book primarily serves as the activist response to the systematic neglect of the contribution of women to BiH culture and it is an attempt to provide a foundation to the study of the history of women in BiH.
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In 2010-2011 Aspasia, the leading academic journal devoted to women’s and gender history of Central, Eastern and Southeastern Europe, published a dossier on the state of the art of women’s and gender studies in the post-Yugoslav countries. Besides the obvious differences, the contributions identify a series of common features running across the different national case studies: a clear delay in the development of women’s and gender studies, especially in respect of Western Europe and the Atlantic world; a limited institutionalisation of gender-sensible approaches in the historical studies; a limited presence of women in national academic spaces, and in particular in history, a discipline that remains an eminently men’s club.
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Network culture and related informal institutions are widespread phenomena in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The network character suggests that not only two but many interconnected actors participate in informal exchanges and circulate different forms of resources through this widespread social infrastructure. Under the communist shortage economy,informal networks were important survival tools for everyday citizens to“get things done.” The relationship structure of family members, friends,acquaintances, ex-classmates, colleagues, and neighbors provided effective channels to obtain different forms of resources, from travel vouchers through home phones and cars to university admissions. Of course, these types of informal networks existed and still exist all around the world but in communist CEE countries they were more widespread compared to their Western counterparts.
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The outbreak of WWII and German occupation six months earlier defined the issues for Czechs after the Second Republic’s slide towards authoritarian government.
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Mr Vice-chairman, Madam Chairwoman, ladies and gentlemen, I have been given the honour of presenting a text by a professor emeritus at the University of Hawaii, Rudolph Joseph Rummel, who unfortunately could not attend our conference for health reasons. In the second part of this presentation I will take the liberty of appending some of my own words. So now let’s take: “Worse than the Black Death – Marxism.” (I would like to draw attention to the fact that I am abridging this paper and I hope that its full version will be reproduced by the organisers and made available to you)...
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The independence of the Republic of Estonia was proclaimed exactly today 92 years ago. Today is Independence Day in Estonia. Estonia lost its independence in 1940 according to the secret protocol of the non-aggression agreement between the Communist Soviet Union and Nazi Germany and did not regain it after the end of the WWII. Th e occupation and annexation of the Baltic States was never recognised by the United States of America and other Western countries. Estonian diplomatic representations were active in the United States and the United Kingdom for the duration of the Cold War. Estonian passports issued by these representations were accepted as valid travel documents in many Western countries.
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„My mother had three wishes: returning to Latvia, seeing her brothers and our family and having a flat. All of these wishes have been fulfilled. But even today my mother wakes from a dreadful dream. Again it is night and someone is knocking at the door. Strange men enter and order her to get ready. The deportation nightmare begins, and my mother in despair thinks: “The last time it was a dream. Now it’s real.” On waking she gazes long into the empty night until she calms down and understands: she is home again. In Latvia.“ I have chosen these last lines in Sandra Kalniete’s book With Dance Shoes in Siberian Snows, a book that has been translated into 11 languages, to remind ourselves that the term “crimes against humanity” as a legal abstraction, last defined in Article 7 of the 1998 Rome Statute, is woefully inadequate in terms of fully grasping the human tragedy and its lingering aftermath for which the original crime is only a starting point. The statute concentrates on the perpetrators and their culpability. Any culture of memory must be much more inclusive and never leave sight of the victims and survivors as the direct carriers and inheritors of the memory. It must not only deal with the crime but the entire context in which the crime was perpetrated and even more – the lingering political, social, moral and psychological after-effects. The crime is with us as long as the nightmare persists in the psyches of its victims.
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Conclusion Th e Soviet Union has disintegrated. Disintegration signs originally appeared in 1960s. Practice is an indicator of the theory validity. Practice of the USSR construction has proved non-viability of the communism theory. Thus, the Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism “doctrine” turned out to be an unscientific doctrine. Th is “doctrine” belongs to the sort of sectarian ones. And the communist party that completely professes the principles laying in the construction of the USSR, cannot be considered to be a party, but rather is, a sect. There were different sects in the history of mankind. They gathered groups of people. They established, quite frequently, extremely severe rules of mutual relations between the members of a sect and finally collapsed. The Communist Bolsheviks sect has done a lot of harm to the people of the former USSR. Th e number of human victims in the USSR exceeded the number of victims that the mankind of the world has suffered throughout the history of its existence. It is necessary to understand and realize all the harm caused by communism in order to prevent such a misfortune in future. Therefore, in each country, especially in Ukraine the process of the society differentiation, into extremely rich and extremely poor is fraught with grave consequences. This process of impoverishment can be halted, first of all, by joint actions of the authorities and the society. We should build a society, specifically Ukrainian society of a predominant middle class. Uncontrolled development of oligarchic structures in the country automatically generates an antipode – communism. Therefore, the only way towards a reasonable, sustainable commonwealth is to provide beneficial political and economic conditions for the revival in Ukraine and in all other countries of a prevailing middle class. Revival and comprehensive support – that is what is necessary. Thus the main issue of our conference should be a consolidation of the nations in order to set up an international tribunal over the communism crimes as it has been made over the nazism. We should also find out who is really guilty in committing such severe crimes of communism. It could be those who had provoked Bolsheviks Communist revolt and had introduced communism principles. We should be able to figure it out by being well-informed through: legislation and true history. And to prevent such events in future, it is necessary to severely ban legitimization of the parties professing a criminal Communist ideology. Most important for, each country is to provide such conditions when the middle class of the country determines its national, political and economic development.
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Ukraine is one of the countries which suffered most from the communist regime crimes. Millions of the Ukrainians had been repressed by the communist regime since 1918 when Ukraine was occupied by Bolshevik’s troops till 1991 when at last it gained independence. Ukraine became an experimental ground for communists where they perfected scenarios of seizure of power and repressions against dissidents. Later, after 1939 these scenarios were used in the Baltic States, and since 1945 – in Central and Eastern European States. A well-known lawyer, the author of term Genocide and one of the authors of Convention On Condemnation of Genocides Rafael Lemkin called the communists policy in Ukraine a classical sample of Soviet Genocide with the following stages: repressions against intelligentsia, liquidation of Ukrainian national church, subduing of the main layers of Ukrainian people – peasants who were violently hit by artificial famine. The last step was the dispersion of the Ukrainians by means of deportation and colonization of their lands by the representatives of other nations. Lemkin saw in communist actions a clear-cut consistent plan aimed at elimination of Ukrainian nation. Apparently this plan was not similar to final solution of Jewish problem by the Nazi and did not provide for Holocaust of all the Ukrainians. However, according to Rafael Lemkin the realization of this plan would have meant that Ukraine would perish just as if all the Ukrainians were killed because it would lose the part of the nation which preserved and developed its culture, belief, unifying ideas which paved the way for it and gave a soul to it i.e. made it not just population but a nation.
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The totalitarian regimes which ruled in Russia and Germany in the 20th century left millions of civilian victims in their wake. In Germany people died in concentration camps and partly also at work camps. In the Soviet Union, they died in forests, in the cellars of the NKVD (People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs), or in specially adapted ancient Belarusian forts and chateaux. These mass murders were top secret and this genocide was unknown until 1988. Officially the Soviet authorities only spoke about the gulags, though the gulags existed as a system of work camps. The question arises – where did the millions of victims disappear to? Russian communism was based on the NKVD and on lies, though that chalice of lies overflowed in the 1980’s and communism collapsed. Nevertheless, to this day it has not been possible to establish the number murdered by the USSR – figures from five to 70 or more million have been put forward.
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I think we all have a big problem – how to condemn communism. How to use democratic tools against a totalitarian system. Th is is our main problem. How to deal with the past. How to condemn, in a practical way, the communist system. Because we don’t have the tools. We have the seminars, like this one, where we give speeches, where we express our many views on this topic… What is the difference? Th e difference is that this is the state. Because the forensics, they have the gloves. But we don’t have gloves. We find bodies buried in common graves. But they have, practically, all the tools. They said those crimes were prescribed as ordinary crimes. Not as crimes against humanity, not as a Holocaust. Why not? Are they not similar?
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Dear Mrs Němcová, Ladies and gentlemen, It is a great honour for me to welcome you to the second day of this conference in the name of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in Prague. I am glad that the conference is today dedicated to important aspects of coming to terms with communist crimes, namely to their legal appraisal and treatment. The presence of eminent national and international discussion participants and chairs, and the patronage of the Czech government no less, attests to the importance of this subject. Special thanks belongs to the organisers, including the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes and also partners from the European Platform of Memory and Conscience.
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Ladies and gentlemen, I consider the conference on the theme of the Crimes of the Communist Regimes to be enormously important. In particular, I appreciate the fact that it is being held in the Czech Republic on the grounds of the sovereign legislature on dates that left their mark 62 years ago on the history of our country as a precursor to a very tragic and long epoch. This was the era of the communist totalitarian regime, which crippled the economy of the country, isolated us from freely developing countries in Europe and on other continents, and inflicted irredeemable moral damage.
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First of all, I would like to thank our esteemed guests for having accepted the invitation to this conference. It was indeed a representative selection of speakers from whom we can learn a great deal about the nature of the crimes of communism, about the causes which led to them and about the solutions which we need to adopt in order to prevent a repetition of history. I would also like to thank the organisers for the idea of convening this meeting, which was not only about describing the past, but also the present and the ways in which the post-communist countries are coping with the shadows of totalitarianism. And of course also about the future, about seeking ways how to prevent any future possible loss of our freedom. Because it is the future and freedom which should be on our minds above all. History never repeats itself literally. “Real socialism” in its concrete form belongs to the past. And the practices of the current communist regimes differ from one another widely, oftentimes like fire and water. It is not sufficient to state simply that the essence of communist crimes lies in the elimination of democracy. Their essence lies above all in the elimination of freedom.
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Dear conference participants, I would like to start the final panel, which should comprise an overview of everything that has happened at our conference entitled Crimes of the Communist Regimes, which we have jointly dedicated ourselves to over the course of three days. At the same time, I would like to outline some steps to be taken in the future. I perceive this international conference on the most serious subject from our recent past, which constantly affects us in this geopolitical area, to be the culmination of the activity of our Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes thus far. I can say that our involvement in work on an international level, as anticipated by our law, has been successful and has smoothly continued on from the activity of the Slovenian presidency. This is where the hearing at the Council of Europe was which has already been mentioned several times. We have followed up on this, strengthened by our own initiating source, the Prague Declaration from the summer of 2008.
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O dr. Pavi Anđeliću i njegovom djelu napisano je mnogo. Njegov opus kao arheologa i historičara je veoma kompleksan. U ovom radu su obrađene osnovne značajke jednog od segmenata njegovog kompleksnog znanstvenog djelovanja i doprinosa proučavanju srednjovjekovnog perioda na tlu Bosne i Hercegovine, na polju arheologije.
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Archaeology as practiced in Europe since the eighteenth century has had three goals: To define social groups in space and time, to describe culture history, and to explain cultural processes. In terms of addressing these goals, Pavo Anđelić followed the trends of his own time in European archaeology at the same time coping with the geopolitical climate of the post-World War II period. He addressed mainly the first two goals of archaeology. Although he clearly had ideas about the nature of processes of culture change, he never elaborated them or adopted a specific model of cultural evolution. Anđelić’s enthusiasm for archaeology arose from his sense of place; he approached medieval archaeology from a historical perspective and integrated the use of documentary sources with his field research, especially his major excavation at Bobovac. He apparently did not make much use of publications from outside Yugoslavia, but he seems to have been aware of research trends in Eastern Europe, such as the interest in the archaeology of the Slavs. He may not have been aware of developments in Hungarian archaeology (and/or they post-dated him), but finds from Bobovac proved to be a critical cultural tie between Bosnia and Hungary. Pava Anđelić contributed to understanding the medieval history of Bosnia by refining the existing spatialchronological framework and adding political and economic content specific to Bosnia. He focused on reconstructing the medieval geo-political world of Bosnian history, exploring the interplay between elements of the material world and the world of the mind (the text).
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