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The paper studies vowel strings in the Korean language. Each string is evaluated as allowed or disallowed on two different levels: phonemic and morphophonemic. When two vowels occurring together morphophonemically form a phonemically disallowed string, they are replaced by a different phonemic string. Rules to convert morphophonemic vowel strings to phonemic strings are listed in the paper. It is also shown that in all the cases where phonemically disallowed string is not replaced, either a morphophonemic or an etymological explanation of this abnormality can be found. Linguistic data, on which the paper is based, are mainly drawn from 18th—19th century texts.
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The article describes an attempt to verify standard classifications of the Selkup dialects. The analysis of text materials of the northern, central and southern dialects allows to introduce a transitional dialect of the Selkup language.
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The author of the article notes the importance of the problem, that Vadim Ponaryadov deals with in the article “Reflection of the Proto-Permic final vowels of the second syllable in Erzya”. The author also pays attention to general and particular disadvantages of this work.
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This paper discusses the development of several Lithuanian prefixal verbs (su-bradžióti ‘to do a wrong thing’, iš-skìlti ‘to strike spark’, at-vérti / už-vérti ‘to open / to close’, iš-réikšti ‘to express’, ap-àkti ‘to go blind’) and their relation to simplex forms (bradžióti ‘wade; do a wrong thing’, skìlti ‘to strike spark’, vérti ‘to thread; to prick; to open; to close’, réikšti ‘to express, to mean’, àkti ‘to go blind’). What these forms have in common is deprefixation, a kind of retrograde derivation exemplified by subradžióti → bradžióti.
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This article presents a semantic description of French denominal verbs, such as embarquer, empoisonner, endimancher and endeuiller. Traditionally described as parasynthetic compounds, theses verbs are the result of a special type of word formation, consisting in the affixation of a prefix and suffix to a stem. Our purpose is to deal with a semantic description of this particular verb class, based on the referential and cognitive nature of de noun stem. It will be shown that the semantic classification outlined by Fradin (2003) in verbes en-SITE (embarquer, enfourner, engluer) and V-cibles (encoller, enfleurer, engluer), based on the cognitive figure-ground opposition is not general enough. The thesis defended here is that denominal verbes enXer instantiate a transformational process of a more abstract topological kind.
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Greenberg’s Universal 28 says that ‘if both the derivation and inflection follow the root, or they both precede the root, the derivation is always between the root and the inflection’ (Greenberg 1966: 93). Booij (1994: 27) undermines this by allowing inherent inflection to feed derivation. There is abundant literature showing that inherent inflection can feed derivation in Germanic, Romance and Slavic languages (Booij 1994, 1996, Chapman 1996, Rainer 1996, Cetnarowska 1999). The aim of this paper is to describe and compare derivational categories related to participle forms in Irish and Polish. These include among others agent nouns, adjectives of tendency/inclination, resultative passive adjectives and facilitative adjectives. Stump (2005: 52) points out that the terms present and past participle are, in fact, misnomers since participles are uninflected for tense, and they should be regarded as stems conveying aspect information plus the lexical information of the root. The existence of derivatives based on inflected forms is usually taken as evidence against the inflection-derivation dichotomy, and in favour of a tripartition into contextual inflection, inherent inflection and derivation. The paper addresses the theoretical ramifications of the existence of such derivatives for inferential-realisational approaches (Stump 2001), such as for example Beard’s (1995) Lexeme-Morpheme Base Morphology, which separates the operations on the grammatical (morpholexical and morphosyntactic) features and operations responsible for the morphophonological modification of the root/stem.
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This paper is concerned with nominalizations derived from psychological verbs in English. Based on particular properties in their realization of argument structure, which have long been noticed in the literature, I will argue that in a syntax-based approach to word formation such as Distributed Morphology these nominals must be derived from the psychological root alone and cannot include any event structure. This contrasts with non-psych nominals, which more readily include verb event structure. I will show that this difference lies in the different ontological status of the two kinds of roots. Furthermore, psychological verbs and their special roots allow us to conclude that there is no structural difference between derived nominals (based on Latinate suffixes such as -al, -ance, -ation, -ion, and -ment) and zero-derived nominals, whose suffix is covert. A clear difference, however, is posited between these nominals and those based on -ing.
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Drawing on Romanian examples, this article explores, in a manner which is accessible to both general scholars of the Romance languages and linguists, how the richly documented diachronic and synchronic variation exhibited by Romanian offers a wealth of linguistic data (often of a typologically exotic nature) of interest not just to comparative Romance linguists, but also to general linguists. This perennially fertile and still under-utilized testing ground will be shown to have a central role to play in challenging linguistic orthodoxies and shaping and informing new ideas and perspectives about language change, structure and variation, and should therefore be at the forefront of linguistic research and accessible to the wider linguistic community. At the same time, the discussion will also highlight how a familiarity with current key ideas and assumptions in theoretical linguistics has a significant role to play in understanding the structures and patterns of Romanian.
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The aim of the present paper is to investigate the control/raising behaviour of Romanian aspectual verbs. Following Mourounas & Williamson’s (2019) proposal for English aspectuals, I show that in Romanian these verbs enter the causative alternation, a property which distinguishes them from both raising and control verbs and which can explain their hybrid behaviour. The aspectual verbs which merge with an infinitive and a subjunctive complement evince raising-like behaviour in their anticausative variant and control-like behaviour in their causative variant. Their anticausative variant is not marked and the verb does not project any Voice Phrase. In their causative variant, they project a thematic Voice Phrase which hosts an external argument, assigned an Agent-Initiator theta-role. Some of the verbs in the termina ‘finish’ class have a marked anticausative variant which projects an expletive Voice Phrase (Schäfer 2008) which hosts the voice marker se, whose presence signals the existence of a volitional, external argument in the structure. When these verbs occur with a supine complement they can only have an unmarked form, indicative of causative status, and they behave exclusively like verbs of control.
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The Vø construction is the only verb construction that is identical to Vø form. The Vø construction is also the only verb construction that does not change depending on whether the subject is expressed in a sentence or not. By treating the topic, as a matter of fact, the author treats the Ruthenian verb system as a whole since the Vø form is incorporated in all Ruthenian verb constructions. If the Vø form is not incorporated as such, it is incorporated as БУЦ-ø, БУДЗЕ-ø, оr М-ø/ БИ-ø. Generally speaking the main objective was to analyze the temporal and aspectual func-tioning of the Vø construction in the Ruthenian language in short story Old Friends written by Havrijil Kostel’nik who is considered to be the founder of the Ruthenian language. The applied approach is based on structuralist procedures. The results of this study can be used in teaching Ruthenian and may serve as a starting point for further comparative and contrastive analyses.
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Numerous gravestones written in German-language belonging to representatives of ancient and well-known noble families have been preserved in Lower Silesia. Many of them are in a state of disrepair, so today is the last opportunity to preserve the contents immortalised on them from destruction for the future generations. Many of them have been analysed by historians, but the results of these analyses are often linguistically, translationally and epigraphically so incorrect as to be difficult to accept. A historian who is not a historian of the language – such historians are certainly hard to come by – and who, after all, lacks basic competence in the study of Early Modern High German, the language in which most of the epitaph inscriptions from the early modern period were written, obviously has little chances of a correct linguistic interpretation and successful translation into Polish of a text written in early German language. One of the scientifically neglected epitaph plates is the plate of Adam von Kottwitz, which is located in Konotop (near Zielona Góra). The author of the contribution has set himself the task of examining all the content (verbal and non-verbal) that this record carries. The analysis begins by establishing the correct affiliation of the coat-of-arms symbols to the inscriptions of the genealogical argument of the deceased, which are mostly wrong situated. The author moves on soon to a detailed discussion of the various linguistic planes of the texts appearing on the epitaph. Thus, the author discusses the types of writing used in the record, the spelling of capital and lowercase letters, punctuation and abbreviations used in the text, as well as phraseology, but above all the purely linguistic, even strictly grammatical layer, i.e. the morphological forms and syntactic conditions which characterize the text of the research corpus. A great deal of space is also devoted to graphemes, the study of which is not solely an end in itself, but is intended to lead to shedding some light on the relationship between the graphemes of the written language and the phonemes of the spoken language potentially in use at the time of the monument’s creation.
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The current codification of neuter plural agreement in Czech does not fully reflect contemporary usage and has no convincing support in arguments from a functional or communicative perspective. This article presents the results of a corpus analysis focusing on agreement in the noun phrase (nová/é/ý města ‘new towns’) and in the active participle (města byla/y ‘towns were’) with respect to the variability of Czech registers. The analysis of the frequencies of variants in eight different corpora representing various types of written texts, internet communication and spoken registers shows that the occurrence of non-codified forms is influenced by the mode of communication (written vs. spoken), and the degree of formality and spontaneity of the given communication; e.g., in more formal and prepared monologues, non-codified variants are as frequent as the codified ones. Exclusive occurrence of the codified forms can be detected only in those written texts whose authors take considerable account of the codification. The results of the study highlight the need to reconceptualise the language policy of Czech.
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This is the answer of the Language Consulting Centre to a language-related query.
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This article continues the study of a document of Mari literacy published in Kazan in 1841. Previously, a complete glossary was made for this monument (available on the Lingvodoc website: https://lingvodoc.ispras.ru), verbal morphology and the nominal case system were described. Subject of the present paper are nominal number and possession. Noun morphology is compared to Meadow Mari dialects, as well as to other Mari documents. The text contains only one plural marker, -šaməč, which is used also in cases where according to the Mari grammar it is not required to express plurality. The specificity of the system of possessive suffixes is mostly at the phonetic level: in the vocalism of unstressed syllables and partly in the stress system. Most systematic is the labial harmony of the reduced vowel in non-first syllables, as in the Volga and Yoshkar-Ola subdialects. The investigation focuses also on stress patterns, rare cases, and the order of possessive and case suffixes. E.g., the ablative is absent in Standard Mari, and the details of its declension with possessive suffixes have not been described. The results of the study of noun morphology confirm the conclusions about the Meadow Mari Volga subdialect as the dialect basis of the document previously based on verb morphology.
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This article discusses relational adjective as a construction. The analysis focuses on the productivity and strength of its constructional scheme. The aim is to present the results of a corpus analysis that tests the hypothesis of specific tendencies in the textual frequency of relational adjectives in contemporary Polish. The study disproves the claim that relational adjectives displace other equivalent constructions with similar meaning over time. It also demonstrates that the strength of the constructional scheme of the adjective strongly correlates with a type of contextual meaning and reaches high levels, for instance in the case of material and genetic meaning. A specific way of construal, characteristic of relational adjective, has been indicated as the reason for this correlation. It turns out to be particularly consistent with specific types of contextual meanings, while in other contexts relational adjective loses to other constructions.
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Since West’s seminal article, it has been assumed that there were (only) four instances in epic Greek (Homer, Hesiod and the Homeric Hymns) in which the in- junctive (often called an unaugmented indicative in the commentaries) could be in- terpreted as having a timeless (or omnitemporal) meaning. In an article, divided into two parts, I will argue and show that there could be more of these forms. I will also an- alyze several other instances in which an injunctive has been transmitted, instances in which it refers to a background action or an event in a remote past. In part 1, I address the interaction and difference in use between the injunctive and the (augmented) indicative in epic Greek, paying special attention to the gnomic aorist, the similia, the instances with τε-épique and the so-called “Hymnic aorist”, explaining why they mostly comprise the augment. Following West for Greek and Hoffmann for Vedic, I argue that the injunctives or unaugmented indicatives are not simply metrical variants of the indicative, but have their own distinct meanings and func- tions, as they are used to “mention” or describe background actions, preserve an old “timeless” meaning or refer to a more remote (and often mythical) past. As some of the instances have an aorist and others a present injunctive, I also take into account the aspectual difference(s) between these forms, discussing scholarship on tense and aspect in general and Homer in particular. In part 2, I proceed to actual instances and will investigate them for both the use of the injunctive or indicative and for that of the aspectual stem.
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