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«Our Journal» (1926-1930) presented the activity of the Feminist Association from Galaţi (founded in 1919) and its involvement in the development of the local society. Its actions were in tune with the principles of the national and international feminist movements of those days.
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Zestawienie islamu z feminizmem może się wielu osobom wydawać niemożliwe, a termin „feminizm muzułmański” może dla nich brzmieć jak oksymoron. Jednak w świecie islamu dość wcześnie, nawet jak na warunki europejskie, pojawiła się refleksja nad sytuacją społeczną kobiet, poziomem ich wykształcenia i prawami, jakie im przysługują.
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This article analyzes the characteristics of women’s movement in Russia which started in the second half of the 19th century. The author researches the background of women’s public activities like – charities, education, help for poor and work in the area of placement, and their directions towards not only the fight for equal rights for men and women but also the possibilities of education and financial self reliance. He describes their goals as well as peculiarities. The article also shows the historical outline, starting from single activities at the end of 19th century until the beginning of the 20th century, and the common actions of collective associations and organizations. It presents as well the causes of the uprising of the emancipation movement in Russia. Author analyzes the social activity of women’s emancipation movements, as well as institutions which resulted in social and political changes in Russia. The article shows also that women’s emancipation movements had a huge impact in the mentality of Russian society.
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Our study intended to test the following hypothesis: the relationships between civilised behaviour and the dimensions of aggression vary according to the individuals’ gender and professional status and the environment. We used four samples. The first two samples consisted of individuals who attended some type of educational program (elementary school, high school, or college) and were not employed (18 boys and 22 girls), while the other two samples consisted of individuals who were employed and did not attend any type of educational program (35 men and 62 women). All participants answered the CC and A questionnaires. The CC questionnaire contains eight items and determines, through self-assessment, the degree to which the respondent follows the rules of civilised behaviour in various environments: at school, at work, within the family, within the circle of friends, on the street, on public transport, while going out and while shopping. The A questionnaire contains six scales, which assess dimensions of aggression: Hostility, Physical self-aggression, Physical aggression towards others, Verbal self-aggression, Verbal aggression towards others, and Anger. We found that the size and the sign of the Spearman’s rank correlation coefficients computed between the scales of the A questionnaire and the items of the CC questionnaire depend on the individuals’ gender and professional status: there are cases in which the correlation coefficient between a scale of the A questionnaire and an item in the CC questionnaire is significant (at threshold p=0.05) for two or more categories of individuals, but the sign is different. Consequently, the formulated hypothesis was confirmed.
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Culture influences thinking, language and human behaviour. The social environment, in which individuals are born and live, shapes their attitudinal, emotional and behavioural reactions and the perceptions about what is happening around. The same applies in the case of assigned/assumed roles in society based on gender. Cultural dimensions that reflect differences in gender roles, but also elements related to the ethics of sexual difference were highlighted by many researchers. The presentation of these issues from the interdisciplinary perspective is the subject of this article. Briefly, the article refers to: importance of communication in transmission of roles of those two sexes, cultural dimensions that reflect role differences invarious cultures, discrimination issues and ethics of sexual difference.
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Due to the long-lasting androcentric order, social gender inequality suffuses all subsystems of social structure. During the socialist period, particularly in the 1970s and 1980s, the key institutional bases for its elimination (primarily the discrimination against women) were established. However, this process was occurring “in the shadows” of threats of the loss of “proper femininity”, which is said to be threatened the most by socialism. After the abolition ofself-management socialism and the re-structuring of society according to the neo-liberal pattern, in the name of “modernization” and accompanied by re-catholicization, the endeavours to renewwomen redomestication and return them to their “natural” social role werereinforced. Thispaper answers the question of how the revived multidimensional misogynist orientation is expressed in the awareness of the adult population. The data collected by ISSP and EVS (within the Slovenian public opinion) investigations from 1991 to 2012 show (partially and gender dependent) a changein the collective consciousness regarding gender inequality –from the egalitarian orientation,through re-traditionalistic in the 1990s, to the reinforced prevalent egalitarian orientation with some traditionalist additions at the beginning of the 21st century.
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This paper discusses the process of participation and representation of women in political institutions, with special reference to the situation in Serbia. The paper represents an attempt to answer the question of how to increase the number of women active in political life and how to achieve both descriptive and substantial representation, which is necessary for the increase of women’s political power. The influence of certain political factors, primarily political parties’ nomination and selection, on the growing number of women who decide to run for political office, is analysed.
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The project is aiming at the quality analysis of a discussion about introducing the sex parity to electoral law and the observation of the parity bill. Selected press publications are the basis of the quality analysis (which was done according to the critical discourse analysis) taken from the most opinion-creating journals. The objective of this paper is to identify the discourse (civil; non-civil) of analyzed journals and the answer to the question: whether the legal guarantee for women (the parity bill) is a new type of a prejudice of the symbolic elite in the public discourse.
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The paper develops, from a feminist point of view, the issues of emergence and presence of patriarchal principles, gender hierarchy and unequal distribution of power between the genders within Christianity. First of all, it poses the question as to whether patriarchal supremacy is proper to and ordained by the Christian tradition or has developed and strengthened throughout the process of the institutionalisation of Christianity. The western world, shaped under the influence of Christianity, has been recording an increased number of critical questions concerning the issue of gender hierarchy within individual Christian Churches, the Catholic Church in particular. The patriarchal character of the Church order is called into question and put under a microscope. With the help of a scientific methodology that employs the hermeneutic key of feminist theology the paper endeavours to trace the origins of patriarchal androcentrism and unequal appreciation of the two genders. The results of the discussion corroborate the hypothesis that during the process of institutionalisation the Catholic Church adopted the patriarchal denotation of the culture in which it developed, and confirm the theory that Christianity in its doctrine sets a strong imperative of gender equality, grounded both in the person of Jesus Christ and his attitude towards women as well as in the Bible.
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The present article concentrates on the advent of gender mainstreaming as a method of incorporating gender perspective into public policies. It analyses the historical as well as the epistemological foundations of gender mainstreaming laid down during the Beijing Platform for Action Conference of 1995. Furthermore, it analyses the factors that led to the adoption of gender mainstreaming by the European Community’s institutions and the policy context in which it has been applied ever since. The aim of this article is to portray the epistemological framework of this soft law method as an open signifier for different perceptions of gender. For these purposes, the article analyses the “subject positioning” within the framework of 13 projects on tackling human trafficking in EIGE’s tool for good practice sharing .
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It is common practice to defend the idea that by separating, in 1880s-1905, the State from the Churches, in particular from the Roman Catholic Church, the French Republic has opened the way to the feminine emancipation. The return to the history tilts us to propose a more diffentiating interpretation. The influence of the laicity is, in France, by no means unambiguous: according to periods, the Republic adopted varied public policies towards women. This article presents a diachronic modelling, envisaged from the dialectic of the equality and the difference, of these policies. It spots a first period, 1880 till 1960, during which remains a hierarchical formula maintaining women in a status of inferiority ; between 1960 and 1990, the equality spouses with the religious difference; from 1990, under the influence of the controversy around the “ Muslim question “, France enter a more universalist model, in which the assertion of women’s rights comes along with a relative denial of the religious difference.
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This article seeks to explore why Nigerian find it increasingly impossible to participate and acquire representation in politics. It uncovers the historical trajectories of the cause-effect of the discriminatory patriarchal institutions in Nigerian societies. The paper examines the interrelationship between gender and democracy and political participation. Furthermore, the paper examines the obstacles encountered by women in seeking political leadership in Nigeria. In conclusion, the paper charts different legal mechanisms to encourage gender participation in politics in Nigeria.
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Feminism has brought some remarkable changes to science, especially in the structure of scientific institutions and ways of research, such as medicine or primatology.
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This article is based on current research into the culture of young working class housewives at home with young children. The research is conducted by tape-recorded interviews in their homes and covers many aspects of women’s personal experience both before they were married and in their present situa-tion. The article will concentrate on their present role as housewives and mothers and their understanding of this role in relation to their previous ex-perience as wage labourers. It focuses on the isolation of women within the privatized sphere of the home, and attempts to present isolation as one of the ways which these women experience oppression and to locate the experience within the structures of capitalism. Although it is recognized that there is no simple way of ‘reading’ accounts of subjective experience, I would hold that they do point to the sites of structural contradictions, however indirectly. I also think, as is argued by Sheila Rowbotham (1973), that women’s subjective experience reveals a ‘sense of oppression’, and this oppression I would see as having a material basis.
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The aim of the article is to present the rare and uncommon perspective in social work definied as a scientific or academic discipline, but also as support-ive activities. The author includes women’s/gender/feminist studies to analysis concerning professional social work, social policy, social law etc. The article presents the acts of oppressions described by contemporary theories what appear in help’s practice. It explains the roots of these mechanisms and points the possibilities of solutions.
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Főbe ajánlása után (Róm 16,1–2) Pál Priszkát és Aquilát köszönti (16,3–5a). Priszkáról és Aquiláról meglepően sokat tudunk. Míg Főbéről csak egyszer tesz említést az Újszövetség (Róm 16,1–2), addig Priszkát/Priszcillát és Aquilát a Róm 16,3–5a-n kívül másik három könyv is említi – az ApCsel 18,1–19.24–28; az 1Kor 16,19 és a 2Tim 4,19.2 Priszka/Priszcilla neve ebben a négy könyvben összesen hatszor fordul elő, mindig Aquilával együtt. Az ApCsel 18,2 szerint Priszcilla Aquila felesége. A római, az első korintusi és a második Timóteuslevélben nincs semmi utalás kettejük kapcsolatára, de valószínűnek látszik, hogy férj és feleség lehettek. A hat esetből, ahol nevük együtt szerepel, négyben Priszka/Priszcilla szerepel elő-ször (Róm 16,3; 2Tim 4,19; ApCsel 18,18–26).3A páli korpusz Priszkaként említi, míg Lukács végig a Priszcilla kicsinyítő képzővel ellátott formát használja.4 Forrásaink alapján a házaspár háromszor költözhetett 49 és 55 közt, Rómából Korintusba, Korintusból Efezusba és Efezusból ismét Rómába.
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The paper offers a historical analysis of the discourse on eastern German gender and sexuality in the 1990s. As a primary source, it uses Superillu Magazine, which has existed from 1990 until today and explicitly targets an eastern German audience. First, Superillu’s reflections of gender and sexuality can be described as an example of how certain attitudes in this field (e.g. towards liberal sexual behaviour or towards working women) have continued to exist beyond socialism. Second, a comparison of Superillu’s reflections of gender and sexuality in the 1990s with the results of contemporary sociological research in this field shows that these discourses did only partly correspond to each other. Altogether, the (comparative) analysis of Superillu opens up new vistas on discourses on gender and sexuality in the 1990s and thus helps to historicize one aspect of eastern Germany’s very recent past.
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