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The study focuses on part of the submerged heritage under the waters of several dams in Bulgaria (Ovcharitsa, Rozov Kladenets and Tsonevo). Popular folk singers (Stefka Sabotinova and Penka Pavlova) and singing groups and local singers („Sminana Kitka“, Silvia Dimitrova), who keep songs from the sunken villages, are presented. The focus is on research and knowledge of folklore as a pillar of memory, in the case of the village of Asparuhovo, near and under the waters of Tsonevo Dam. Emphasis is placed on the role of various media and especially digital new media spaces for the „emergence” of the traditional song heritage from the villages left at the bottom of various dams.
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Two decades after the publication of the Green Paper on the convergence (1997), radio and television are not only creating and disseminating more and more digital content through digital technologies but are striving for an increasingly integrated online presence. Along with search engines, internet platforms have become an important intermediary between media service providers and audiences whose habits have changed dramatically in the second decade of the 21st century. Broadcast media (BM) have no choice but to be where the users of media content are - content of different quality, origin, purpose, logic of distribution. At the same time, audiences are overwhelmed with mis- and disinformation, which often comes from fake pages and profiles posing as legitimate media organizations, and set against trustworthy media and journalists from public figures. This creates an information crisis, which can be counteracted both by legislative measures and by empowering the audience with media literacy. And while the implementation of educational reform is a slow process, the BM, which still have the largest audiences and are most trusted, can play an essential role in increasing the media literacy of citizens. A function of great public importance, at the same time entirely in their interest.
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For the first time the Bulgarian Radio and Television Law include provisions related to video sharing platforms. Platforms are a new type of intermediary. Do we know enough about how platforms influence global social and political processes? Internet companies contribute to democratization of access to knowledge and culture. But when the platform is the message, media ecosystems no longer function as we know it. In the time of global platforms, competition is limited. Platforms negatively affect traditional business models of the creative industries and the media, allow tech giants to gain enormous economic power based on capitalization of clients data, influence global social and political processes and spread disinformation and illegal content. What did the revision of the Audiovisual Media Services Directive (2018) provide for and what can be expected from the next acts of the legislators?
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La présente étude se concentre sur le rôle joué par les textes liés aux icônes dans le culte, la commu- nication culturelle et la propagande des icônes lors de leur transfert. Ces textes se regroupent en trois catégories : les textes qui précèdent les icônes, les textes sur les icônes et les textes d’après les icônes. L’analyse de chacune de ces catégories aide à mieux déchiffrer la fonction et le rôle des textes dans la création et la perception, ainsi que dans les processus de transfert des icônes. Dans le cadre d’un transfert culturel, celui-ci se produit souvent dans un contexte où les signes verbaux se différencient des signes visuels. L’auteure donne quelques exemples de textes qui sont essentiels pour une interprétation exacte de certaines icônes russes transférées en Grèce du 5VIe au 5I5e siècle et détermine leur place dans la communication linguistique, spirituelle et culturelle. D’un point de vue mé- thodologique, elle s’intéresse aux conditions dans lesquelles les textes accompagnant les icônes russes devraient être étudiés, notamment dans le cadre de la recherche qui étudie le transfert de ces icônes russes en Grèce.
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Au 5VIIe siècle, les icônes russes avaient déjà gagné les régions post-byzantines sous domination o1o- mane de l’Orient chrétien : les contrées grecques et balkaniques, l’Afrique du Nord et l’Asie Mineure, Crète, Chy- pre, la Palestine, la Syrie et le Liban. Les archives (peu étudiées) témoignent d’une exportation élevée de peintures religieuses russes dans l’espace méditerranéen. Une grande partie de ce1e documentation se trouve aux Archives Nationales des Actes Anciens de Russie (RCODo). Ces documents ayant appartenu autrefois à l’administration diplomatique, Posol’skij Prikaz, sont conservés dans le Fonds 52 et concernent les relations entre la Russie et les centres ecclésiastiques orthodoxes situés dans l’Empire o1oman. Au 5VIIe siècle, les œuvres russes qui circu- laient en Orient étaient en grande partie le fruit des activités évergétiques des grands princes et des tsars, mais le commerce jouait aussi un rôle important dans leur transmission. À en juger par le grand nombre d’oeuvres qu’ils possédaient, leur qualité artistique et leur coût de production élevé, les patriarches devaient être les commandi- taires les plus importants. Cependant, les émissaires du tsar se rendaient en Orient pour diverses missions et apportaient également des icônes. Les Grecs qui vivaient en Russie ou qui y séjournaient longtemps envoyaient, eux aussi, des icônes russes dans leur patrie. Enfin, les icônes russes étaient exportées par les marchands grecs. À Moscou, les étrangers pouvaient commander les icônes directement auprès des peintres ou les acheter sur le marché. Les archives conservent encore des nombreux testaments de Grecs décédés à Moscou, riches en informa- tions quant aux icônes russes qu’ils ont eues en leur possession. Un bon nombre de maîtres russes ont travaillé à l’étranger, en particulier dans les Principautés de Valachie et de Moldavie. Certains étaient peintres d’églises, mais d’autres peignaient des icônes sur commande. Ces icônes passaient de main en main, au sein des familles ; étaient léguées par testament ; faisaient l’objet de dons envers les églises et les monastères ; etc. Les voies d’exportation des icônes russes vers l’étranger étaient donc des plus diverses. Les documents d’archive ne cessent pas de sur- prendre avec une variété de nouvelles informations à leur sujet.
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La tradition du soutien russe aux églises orthodoxes de l’Orient et des Balkans a commencé a XVIe siècle et s’est poursuivie jusqu’en 1917. Au niveau gouvernemental, l’aide matérielle a été réduite et réglementée au XVIIIIe siècle, mais elle a gagné en générosité après 1830, en rapport avec l’évolution de la Lestion d’Orient et la rivalité des grandes puissances engagées au Moyen-Orient. L’article étudie le caractère et la distribution géographique du soutien de l’Église et du gouvernement russes, tout en observant que ces traits ont évolué dans le temps et qu’ils ont été in*uencés par les tendances politiques de certaines périodes. Il étudie aussi les nombreuses donations privées issues des pèlerinages en Terre Sainte et faites aux monastères d’Orient, aussi bien que celles résultant des relations personnelles avec le haut clergé. La tendance générale à augmenter les sommes et les dons jusqu’à la Première Guerre mondiale a été le résultat de la montée de la tension au Moyen-Orient et dans la Méditerranée orientale.
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Dès le milieu du XXe siècle, les chercheurs bulgares s’intéressent à l’étude des œuvres d’art religieux russe qui sont arrivées dans l’aire culturelle bulgare; mais ces études n’ont jamais été menées de manière intensive. Les futures approches devront collecter, cataloguer et étudier les collections plus importantes d’icônes, d’estampes et d’objets russes de culte, en rassemblant toutes les informations nécessaires qui concernent les modalités d’acqui- sition de ces objets, leurs donateurs et leurs histoires individuelles. Une attention particulière devra être accordée aux peintres russes qui ont vécu en Bulgarie, ainsi qu’aux Bulgares qui ont étudié les arts en Russie, sachant que ces derniers ont peint des icônes après le retour en Bulgarie. L’influence de l’art orthodoxe russe sur les sujets abordés et les styles utilisés dans l’art bulgare pourra compléter ce panorama. La présente étude se propose de faire le bilan des recherches en cours.
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L’étude examine les raisons pour lesquelles les icônes russes, ou imitant un style russe, sont devenues des objets à la mode, commercialisés en Grèce du milieu du XIXe au début du XXe siècle. Elle met ainsi en lumière un phénomène social : la diffusion et la popularité des icônes russes dans ce pays, mais aussi au Mont Athos – une région considérée comme étant le ‘gardien’ de la tradition orthodoxe et de l’authenticité qui faisait encore partie de l’Empire O1oman pendant l’époque en question. Les conséquences de ce1e circulation sont également analysées. Ce phénomène culturel a mené à une banalisation du commerce des icônes et à une confusion croissante entre le domaine de la spiritualité et celui des transactions économiques. La production d’icônes émerge donc comme une arène d’intérêts concurrents; ce qui révèle l’asymétrie de l’influence que la Grèce (un état récemment fondé et économiquement instable) et l’Empire russe exerçaient dans le monde orthodoxe.
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Intensified cultural exchange in the twenty-first century lead to a specific process of globalization of musical folklore. That is why the preservation of valuable archaic traditions demands active endeavours.In 2018, in the Bulgarian village of Chavdar, an interactive Folklore Centre was founded. It offers interesting ways of collecting, archiving, preserving and exhibiting local cultural traditions. In the Centre, old phenomena intertwine with new technologies and museum exhibits “come to life” by means of interactive activities designed mainly for children and young people. In 2019, the team of the Centre continued their work on widening and completing the exhibition and the interactive activities. A central place in the new developments is given to music, dancing and children’s games.
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Content of the main Bulgarian scientific journals for the current year in linguistics, literature, history, folklore, ethnography, archaeology and art studies
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The article looks at the systematic attempts to transform the coronavirus epidemic into a state ideology similar to the Marxist-Leninist one, within the former Eastern Bloc. However, the current ideological attempts do not rely on repressive state apparatuses. They are voluntarily accepted. What operates behind this voluntary acceptance is a public communication strategy based on the war model and in a regime of hyper-information, i.e. infodemic. It is a strategy with a pyramidal structure, the top of which is held by the state government, reframed as “good” power. For the first time at the base of an ideology is not a historic event, but a natural one. This gives such a nature-based ideology the chance to exploit and govern the most basic existential fears of people. Furthermore, the article is focused on the current Bulgarian political situation. However, the aforementioned pandemic’s ideological strategies and their influence in Bulgaria are placed in the broader context of the return of conservative ideologies and the destabilization of the liberal consensus in Europe and the States.The article looks at the systematic attempts to transform the coronavirus epidemic into a state ideology similar to the Marxist-Leninist one, within the former Eastern Bloc. However, the current ideological attempts do not rely on repressive state apparatuses. They are voluntarily accepted. What operates behind this voluntary acceptance is a public communication strategy based on the war model and in a regime of hyper-information, i.e. infodemic. It is a strategy with a pyramidal structure, the top of which is held by the state government, reframed as “good” power. For the first time at the base of an ideology is not a historic event, but a natural one. This gives such a nature-based ideology the chance to exploit and govern the most basic existential fears of people. Furthermore, the article is focused on the current Bulgarian political situation. However, the aforementioned pandemic’s ideological strategies and their influence in Bulgaria are placed in the broader context of the return of conservative ideologies and the destabilization of the liberal consensus in Europe and the States.
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Anthony is a highly honoured saint, considered to be a patron and a defender of various diseases. The church “St. Anthony” in the smallest town in Bulgaria – Melnik – is known exactly for its healing aspect and can be identified as one of the most sacred cult sites in the surroundings, connected with numerous stories of miracles, healings, interesting and rare ritual practices. The modern state and functioning of the church is a complex of different components that build the role and importance of the cult site as a very attractive place for pilgrimage and healing. Besides of the cult of the patron itself, these components include also various miraculous objects, iconographic features, the location of the church, and characteristic stories of miracles, media, and personal representations and interpretations. In this article, I will examine the cult of St. Anthony in the city and church dedicated to him through the prism of two basic elements – miraculous objects or other ones in the church area and beliefs and ritual practices related to them. It is precisely the connection between the different components of the cult site, combining diverse objects of pilgrimage, honoring, and usage, that creates a truly unique context in which this church, the only one in the country until recently dedicated to the St. Anthony, exists. The analysis is based on observations from conducted fieldwork studies in Melnik and bibliographic and online surveys in the period 2016–2018.
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In the thirteenth century, in the calendar of the Catholic Church, a special day is established to honour the Holy Communion – the bread and the wine, turned into the Most Holy Body and Blood of Christ. The feast is celebrated everywhere in the Catholic world with a solemn liturgy and a procession. The article presents in a comparative perspective fieldwork observations and documentation of this Catholic feast in two villages in Bulgaria and in Poland: the village of Oresh, Svishtov region (in 1995 and 2015) and the village of Złaków Kościelny, Łowicz district, Łódź voivodeship (in 2016). The author outlines the specific characteristics in performing of the feast in the two communities (Corpus Christi in Oresh; Boże Ciało in Złaków Kościelny), conditioned by differences in the confessional and cultural history as well as by different conditions of practicing the religious traditions.The comparative study shows the significance of local identity, expressed through elements of inherited traditional culture. For the Bulgarian Catholics, cultural identity is affirmed mainly through their religious affiliation, which is different from the official Orthodox religion, predominant in the country. The revival of the festive Catholic processions in modern times is an expression of the desire for a sustainable connection with the restored family and community confessional tradition. An essential expression of the local specificity in the religious festivity of the inhabitants of the Polish village is the adherence to traditional elements of the folklore culture, which have cultivated the local religious tradition.
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A widely popular concept among Orthodox Christians is that religious images as intermediaries between man and God (the Mother of God or the saints) can give material signs of the divine presence on Earth and often do so. First comes the veneration of miracle-working icons, which are connected to narratives of miraculous events and considered the most helpful mediators for prayers addressed to God, the Virgin or a saint. Another popular notion is that icons can miraculously renew themselves or exude holy oil or blood, and give out fragrance. Two cases of largescale myrrh-gushing from the recent years offer different examples of the emergence, development and interpretation of such miraculous events in Orthodox shrines. The first case is from the town of Terespol in Eastern Poland (since 2010) and the second one comes from the town of Shumen in Northern Bulgaria (from 2017). In the Polish case, the myrrh-streaming continued for a long period of time, encompassed other icons as well and was accompanied by stories of miraculous healings. It was approved by the Church as a manifestation of divine nature. All these occurrences gave an impetus to the development of the veneration of the myrrh-streaming icon of the Theotokos Gorgoepēkoos (She Who Is Quick to Hear) and stimulated pilgrimage to the town.In the case from Bulgaria there was also large-scale myrrh-streaming, but it happened only once, at the feast of the Dormition of the Mother of God (15 August). The event was accepted just as a divine sign and was interpreted mainly as given for the sake of penance and strengthening of faith. The fact that no myrrh was gathered and there were no consequent miracles made the Church take a more passive position and the local bishop just unofficially referred to the general Orthodox idea of myrrh-streaming icons.Events of this kind, which were traditionally taken for miracles, often provoke scepticism and doubts of falsification in modern times. For that reason, they are examined by committees appointed by the Church or inspected by bishops, and even submitted to chemical tests. All these processes emphasize the icons’ multifaceted presence in local communities and in society in general.
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Polish popular religious songs are part of the repertoires of both the Roman Catholic and the Eastern-rite Catholic Churches in Bulgaria. These songs were introduced in the paraliturgical practice via different ways. One reason was the influence of missionaries from monastic communities from Poland: the friars from the Resurrectionist Congregation, the Order of Friars Minor Capuchin и the Order of Friars Minor Conventual. On the other hand, the personal influence of St. Pope John Paul II also contributed to the process. During his pontificate, some Polish popular religious songs that he supposedly liked gained popularity in Bulgaria. The presence of Polish popular religious songs in the Eastern Catholic repertoire, accepted and assimilated in the local tradition, is an example of various interactions: between East and West; between Roman Catholic and Eastern Catholic music; and between two Slavic cultures, the Polish and the Bulgarian one. The popular religious songs are a brilliant example of cultural transfer, implemented on different levels: religious, confessional, national and universal. The focus of the paper is on three songs, which are a part of the Eastern Catholic song repertoire in modern times.
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The article regards and analyses examples from the new musical creation, inspired by the COVID-19 pandemic. Those examples are published on the global network and contain some intrinsic features of folklore. The most important among these features is the reaction to events or occurrences from the current life of society. Object of analysis is also the activity of certain cultural institutions, such as community centres (chitalishta), schools, dancing or hobby clubs, retired people’s clubs and schools for folklore singing and folklore instruments, during the pandemic. The author also features some cases of postponing or cancellation of festival activities on local level and the performance of local non-professional artists in such shows.
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