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The extensive, integrated systems of energy supplies inherited from the last decades of the preyious century do not appear to be able to provide full security. The emerging vision of the future of energy, including the security of energy supplies for Poland, may prove extremely complicated. The conducted analysis of these issues has brought the following general assumptions: 7. EU markets and these of the neighboring countries of Eastern Europe are the traditional consumers, of energy resources from Russia and former Soviet Republics. Enlargement of the EU made the relations of the Union with Russia more complex, among other reasons due to energy matters. Today, the EU market hesitates between the preservation of the status quo and further liberalization. Therefore a question regarding the futurę awaiting Europę must be posed: Is it going to be a renaissance of energy cooperation or a step back into the direction of energy conflicts? 8. The attempts undertaken by the Russian Federation to regain the dominant position in Europę through controlling the routes of energy transport is countered by Western countries efforts to bypass Russia, which in turn revives the traditional Russian feelings of being besieged. These struggles and competition resulted in a progressively more complex network of gas and oil pipelines, whose layout is designed either to bypass the countries Russia finds insecure or to assure that they cross Russia, going for example from Kazakhstan or Turkmenistan. The course of the pipelines financed by the West seems to be designed on the basis of exactly the opposite premise. 9. The improvement in energy security is a priority for Poland. We remain open in this regard but we are definitely interested to see various undertakings to fit into the plan which would build a strong position of Poland in European relations, including the energy market. 10. The issue of Poland’s energy security, however, cannot be considered outside the conditions set by the Union. Today, we may claim that the situation is not favorable for us as the Union proved certain vulnerability through its lack o f a coherent internal Common Energy Policy. The matter must be solved fairly soon by examining alternative solutions. It is even more pressing, as the practice of the last several months points out to the difference between the perception of the issue of energy security by the states of the “old” Union and Poland. Obviously, it is not simply a matter of definition but of the context, conditions, and the evaluation of current and future threats. 11. The Nord Stream gas pipeline (formerely known as North European Gas Pipeline) is a true exemplification of the Russian way of dealing with countries of incomparably smaller power potential. It is undoubtedly a triumph of Russian diplomacy safeguarding Russian national interests and reinforcing Russian political power. It is moreover a strategie defeat of Poland’s policy and a real threat for the futurę. The entire issue may be understood as a voicing of an attitude that Russia never formulated officially, and the Russian desire to depreciate the importance of Poland and other “stubborn” countries, parallel to a manifestation of the need and desire to cooperate with the states of the “old” Union. For its critics, it is a proof that Russia still engages in the divide et impera policy. 12. For Germany and Russia (the latter not even concealing that the purpose of constructing the pipeline is to bypass transit countries), the Nord Stream gas pipeline is of strategie importance. Although the author does not think it advisable to continue summoning Germany to keep solidarity with other EU countries in this regard, he wants to believe that from the point of view of geopolitical location and history, Germany will discover the sense of a connection and unity between the political strengthening of the Union and modeling their own bilateral relations.
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The paper presents the German position on the main challenges and problems of energy security, and focuses successively on general determinants related to raw materials for energy production, the shaping of energy supply strategy for Germany, with special emphasis on natural gas, and the implementation of the said strategy within European Union, and Germany’s strategie partnership with Russia. With a view to the vast economic potential and dependence on the imports of raw materials for energy production, and especially of natural gas, Germany is interested in the building appropriate conditions and transparent framework of European Union’s energy security policy. At the same time, the Federal Republic has no intention to surrender the strategie partnership with Russia in its capacity of the main gas supplier for Germany and numerous EU states. Germany continues to seek for opportunities to galvanize the dialogue on energy with Poland, and does not rule out appeasement of Poland’s negative approach to the Nord Stream gas pipeline.
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The protection of natural environment became an important element of international cooperation between states. Due to the transborder character of many environmental threats, unilateral actions taken by states in this field are not sufficient, and therefore states need to become involved in international projects. The goal of the paper is presentation of Polish and German positions on the problems of International, environmental security. Due to the spatial limitations of the work and complexity of the question, the analysis focused on selected questions. The first part discusses the notion of environmental security as well as phenomena and processes that pose danger to this security. Further, the research focuses on the goals and priorities of environmental policy in Poland and Germany, with special attention paid to climate policy. Both Polish and German environmental policy is based on the principle of sustainable growth. The practical goal of this policy in the field of climate protection is reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. The presentation of the position of Poland and Germany related to the actions aimed at reduction of carbon dioxide emissions to the atmosphere follows. While presiding over the EU, German and became involved in urging high-flying goals in and environmental protection, namely reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and increasing the share of renewable energy in the general energy balance of European Union. Despite the initial negative attitude to these plans, Poland eventually agreed to reduce carbon dioxide emissions by 20% (as compared to 1990) by the year 2020 and to have a share of 20% held by renewable energy sources in the general EU energy balance by the year 2020. Germany tried also to make use of their presidency of the G8 group to rally other states to measures aimed at limiting climatic changes.
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