Demokracija i kapitalizam

Author(s): Erich Weede / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1992

The author maintains that self-determination has a normative advantage over participation in decision-making, so capitalism over democracy. Not only normative, but also descriptive theory offers arguments showing that capitalism is more significant than democracy. The correctness of his thesis that capitalism is a necessary precondition for the existence and functioning of democracy is underpinned by the author’s account of three mechanisms. The relationship between democracy and capitalism is also marked by the fact that democracy first threatens capitalism and the itself as well.

THE IDEOLOGICAL SPECIFICS OF THE VARIANTS OF CONTEMPORARY CONSERVATISM

Author(s): Nikola Gjorshoski / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2016

In the imminent paper the author elaborates the primary theoretical modalities of conservative ideology. Such variants arises from the conservative ideology where diversity, specificities and needs are treated as a fundamental principle of their activity. The necessity to present the basic modalities of conservative philosophy lie in the fact that modern right-centrist parties are faced with the dilemma of ideological repositioning and expedient concretization of the priorities in their own political action. In this respect the author concentrates on four essential concepts that shape the conservative action in modern discourse. Paternalistic Conservatism, Neoliberal Conservatism, Neoconservatism and Christian Democracy create a framework of conservative worldview through the theoretical prism and also withdraw substantial axiological and praxeological differentiations on relevant issues such as freedom of the market, media, agriculture, financial sector, solidarity, religion, penal policy, taxes etc.

Rola parlamentu w kreowaniu polityki społecznej Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej

Author(s): Paweł Grata / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2014

In Poland, parliament has played a signifi cant role in creating, however, this role has signifi cantlyevolved along with political and constitutional transformations. Until 1926, Parliament was the primaryplace for lawmaking, but later part of its powers in this respect were lost. After 1926, sociallegislation was based on presidential regulations, and legislative proposal submitted in the Sejm hadno chance of success. Although the circumstances existing in Poland in the 1930s were similar tothose from the fi rst period of independence, but the actual role of parliament in creating social policywas undoubtedly smaller than in the days of the Legislative Sejm, and the Sejm and Senate of thefi rst term

Gentile, Emilio: Politická náboženství. Mezi demokracií a totalitarismem. CDK, Brno 2008, 1. vyd, 223 s.

Author(s): Ondřej Cinkajzl / Language(s): Czech Issue: 15/2009

Review of: Gentile Emilio "Politická náboženství. Mezi demokracií a totalitarismem." CDK, Brno 2008, 1. vyd, 223 p. by: Ondřej Cinkajzl

MARSHAL OF THE SEJM AS A CONSTITUTIONAL BODY OF THE STATE

Author(s): Michał Huzarski,Michał Pyrz / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2016

This article aims to examine more closely the functioning of the office of Marshal of the Sejm in Poland. Presented as one of the research methods namely, historical-legal, it aims to show the evolution of the office of the Marshal in Poland. The paper also presents the legal status of the Marshal of the Sejm, his functions, and the powers of Parliament. Owing to the large spectrum of the subject we chose only those issues that most clearly show the Marshal of the Sejm as a constitutional body.

Bezpečnostní systém: optimalizace, nebo nová koncepce?

Author(s): Vladimír Krulík,Antonín Rašek / Language(s): Czech Issue: 3/2015

The article deals with the development of the security system since the November 1989 events. Special attention is paid to the situation near the year 2005, when the last opportunity to update a comprehensive concept of security system occurred. The text deals with the comprehensive management of the security system issue. The authors of the article present key events and strategic documents forming the current shape of the Czech security system. In the final part of article, you can find the proposal of the strategic document management system within the security development system. Article results in the knowledge that the modern security systém concept is still challenge for us.

OCENA ZRÓWNOWAŻONEGO ROZWOJU WOJEWÓDZTW W ZAKRESIE ZDROWIA PUBLICZNEGO A WYDATKI NA OCHRONĘ ZDROWIA JEDNOSTEK SAMORZĄDU TERYTORIALNEGO

Author(s): Łukasz Jarosław Kozar / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2016

The article presents the results of the assessment of the voivodeships on the field of public health in the context of the implementation of the concept of sustainable development. The proposals have been formulated on the basis of the analysis of linear ordering using the reference method Z. Hellwig, and the sum method. Also, the article identifies dependencies that exist between the situation of the voivodeships obtained in the study of public health, and the expenses of individual groups of local government on health care. The analysis shows that the best situation in 2014 was characterized in Mazowieckie voivodeship. On the other hand, the synthetic measure of development obtained by the method of Z. Hellwig indicates that all voivodeships in Poland were characterized with bad and very bad situation in terms of public health in 2014.

Ministerstwo Sprawiedliwości u progu planu 6-letniego – dokument archiwalny

Author(s): Marcin Łysko / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2008

Interesne grupe

Author(s): Slaviša Orlović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 17/2017

in this paper i discuss the concept of interest groups – the term, the types, the ways they operate, their relations with other actors and their significance for democracy. an interest group is any organized actor with an aim to influence shaping of public policy. different theories explain interest groups (pluralism, Marxism, elitism and corporatism). The relations among interest groups are relations of power, they accompany power and unmistakably know where the centers of power are. The operation of interest groups depends on the extent to which they are organized, the kind of resources they dispose of, the kind of aims they are trying to attain and whom they represent. The advantages in the work of interest groups are that some important tasks can be performed faster and more efficiently, that they imprint real relations on society, that they often articulate certain interests in a more systematic way, that they offer solutions that are frequently a check on the government and that they enable shortcuts for faster making of decisions and creation of policies. The disadvantages are that they pursue narrower rather than broader interests, that they influence policy without having obtained a mandate to do so from the citizens, often lacking both legality and legitimacy and in a manner which is non-transparent. There is no agreement about whether interest groups sustain or undermine democracy. in this paper i discuss olson’s ’logic of collective action’ and its criticism. With the process of democratization and consolidation of institutions, the power of informal groups declines and becomes more formal and the process of policy-making becomes more transparent. The power of interest groups and powerful groups is weakened in the process of democratization.

Členství a vnitřní organizace ve středoevropských politických stranách

Author(s): Ladislav Cabada / Language(s): Czech Issue: 3/2017

Party membership became one of the important indicators of political participation level and quality in the Western democracies. After the fall of the communist regimes in East Central Europe, also the new democracies in the region were included into the comparative research of party membership showing important differences and specifics next to the traditional democratic states. The aim of our article is to analyse the contemporary situation in party membership development in Central Europe. As the analytical framework for the discussion we use the typology of five party models developed by André Krouwel, especially with respect to the internal party organization. Four countries are included into the analysis – next to Czechia, Slovakia and Poland as examples of new democracies in Central Europe we include also Austria, being in our perspective also Central European state. As the basis for the analysis we use the comparative study of 27 European democracies presented by van Biezen, Poguntke and Mair. As far as this study collected the date ending with the year 2009, we develop the analysis to the present day.The comparison evidences that the party membership decline continued also in the last decade.

Цео живот Југославије у два државна облика

Author(s): Marko Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 146/2014

According to the generally accepted viewpoint, the Yugoslav state, for seven decades of its lifetime (1918–1991), has gone through around seven forms of government (centralization, dictatorship, deconcentration/decentralization, three or four forms of communist federation, monarchy and republic). This paper, however, shows that the entire life of the Yugoslav state passed in only two forms – the form of regional state (1921–1939) and the form of real union (1946–1991). By the Vidovdan (1921) and September Constitution (1931), the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was organized as a regional state. During its lifetime as a competitive model, there was a project of a real union, shaped in the Constitution draft of „the Croatian Community“ (1921). It was preceded by the concepts of a real union from the „Geneva Agreement“ and „Zagreb Instructions“(Naputci). It was followed by the constitutional programme of the Montenegrin federalists and the Croatian demands for the return to „the starting point“ (1918), which meant that „historical individualities“ had to decide on the transfer of some affairs to the state center. With the communist regime (1945), a real union was established and, changing a few forms („Soviets“, „producers“, „self-managers’, „delegates“), it lasted until the dissolution of the state in 1991. With the Constitution of 1974, the Yugoslav state was completely established as the Austro-Hungarian Empire, but instead of two it has six members with communist monarch.

O izbornim i postizbornim pobednicima, dobitnicima i gubitnicima

Author(s): Zoran Đ. Slavujević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 8/2013

The story on election winners seems to be simple – the winner is one who gets most votes. However, the conclusion about election winners becomes complicated when election gainers and losers are taken into consideration, i. e. when the question of winners and losers is considered from different aspects and not only from the aspect of the number of votes they win, when different parameters are taken into consideration – such as number of constituencies, the seats that are won, the proclaimed election goals, the results of previous elections, post-election combinations related to the formation of government and so on. In this paper the author underlines the examples of parties and coalitions that have taken part in several parlamentary election in Serbia recently in order to show that formal criteria – most votes – are not always enough to determine election winners and losers. In other words, those who win most votes can become election and post-election losers and the gainers could be called not those with most votes but those that take advantage of their modest election results in the best way possible.

Zarządzenia Prezesa Rady Ministrów wydane w celu utworzenia rad i zespołów opiniodawczych lub doradczych w sprawach należących do zadań i kompetencji Rady Ministrów lub premiera

Author(s): Bogusław Banaszak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2017

The article provides an analysis of executive orders of the Prime Minister issued on the basis of Article 12 para. 1 subpara. 3 and para. 2 of the Act of 8 August 1996 on the Council of Ministers. These are acts of internal law, modeled on Article 2, Article 7 and Article 93 of the Constitution. In order to get the right perspective, it is necessary to establish the substance of such orders and, in their case, a broader analysis of the legislative activity of the Prime Minister (which covers more than 20 randomly selected orders of the Prime Minister issued in different years). Among the tasks of councils and teams specifi ed in the orders of the Prime Minister, are those that go beyond tasks typical of advisory and advisory bodies and are of an imperative nature. This proves the existence of an established practice of treating the councils and teams created on the basis of Article 12 para. 1 subpara. 3 of the Act on the Council of Ministers as subsidiary bodies of the Prime Minister or the Council of Ministers, to whom certain powers of the Prime Minister or the Council of Ministers have been delegated. This is acceptable for subsidiary bodies. This is an evidence of understanding of the role of councils and teams based on Article 12 para. 1 subpara. 3 of the Act on the Council of Ministers in a way which goes beyond the linguistic interpretation of that article and recognizes primacy of other methods of interpretation.

Populizmusok és demokráciák, avagy a politika újraácsolt színpada

Author(s): Ferenc Tallár / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2017

In the fi rst decades of the 21st century, the slogan of the End of the Political is gradually replaced by the slogan of the Return of the Political. Another typical feature of our days is the rapid spreading of right and left wing populisms. Primarily based on the theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, the paper argues for the close correlation of the two phenomena. After a brief review of the ontological background of their theory and its social and political distinction, the process from building up a social state and its neutralizing-legalizing tendencies to the neo-liberal disintegration of the society and the concept of the End of the Political is highlighted. Finally, as a result of this process, an attempt is made to interpret the phenomena of the Return of the Political, the birth of populisms, and the delicate relation of populism and democracy.

SPÓR O NIEZALEŻNOŚĆ MACEDONII WE WSPÓŁCZESNEJ ,,ZJEDNOCZONEJ” EUROPIE. CZĘŚĆ 2. OD II WOJNY ŚWIATOWEJ DO WSPÓŁCZESNOŚCI

Author(s): Waldemar Potkański / Language(s): Polish Issue: 25/2012

The problem of the recognition of the sovereignty of the Republic of Macedonia has been presented in this article. Macedonia was established in 1991, just after the demise of the Yugoslavian Federation. Greece, a member of NATO and the EU, is the main adversary that does not want to recognise Macedonian independence. This State safeguards the division which was made after so-called the Balkan Wars in 1913. The division has lasted since the Second World War. In this way, the former lands inhabited by this population were partitioned into: Vardar (Serbian) Macedonia, Aegean (Greek) Macedonia and Pirin (Bulgarian) Macedonia. The State, over which the dispute arose, was established on 17th November 2001 as a result of “a bloodless revolution”. The People’s Republic of Macedonia (existing in former Yugoslavia) was the base for establishing the State. The dispute, which has lasted since then, is supposed to lead to the full international recognition of the State of Macedonia. But, for the time being, Macedonia has been recognised (within the UN) under a name imposed by Greece “Former Yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia” (FYROM). Apart from that the Greek government is torpedoing further Macedonian initiatives which aim at a full union. It is also against the membership of this State in NATO and EU structures.

Ustavni modeli učešća federalnih jedinica u centralnoj vlasti

Author(s): Nevenko Vranješ,Đorđije Desančić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2014

Given the fact that the principle of federal participation, which is reflected in the participation of federal units in the central government, is one of the basic principles underlying each orderly federal government, the authors of this paper deal with the issue of participation of federal units in execution of power in the federation. Likewise, since the federally regulated state is characterized by the coexistence of two levels of legal systems, i.e. two levels of authority, federal government and federal government units, and that apart from the constitution of the federation are the constitutions of the federal units, the authors, in basic terms, address the issue of relationship between the two constitutions. Apart from general considerations of above topics, they are also observed through a comparative analysis of the constitutional system of the United States, as the oldest existing federation in the world, and that of the Switzerland and Germany, as the two oldest federations on European soil. In order to facilitate understanding of the topic, the authors of the paper discuss on the very concept of the major characteristics of the federation i.e. federal system of government.

OPTIMALNA ORGANIZACIJA TERITORIJE I VLASTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Omer Ibrahimagić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 17/2004

Pogled na historijsku retrospektivu Bosne i Hercegovine pokazuje da je ona od srednjovjekovne države do danas, bila školski primjer decentralizirane države. U vrijeme bosanskih banova i kraljeva Bosna (kako je tada nazivana država) bila je podijeljena na tzv. Kraljevu zemlju i tzv. Zemlje oblasnih bosanskih plemića.

PRAWNE ASPEKTY FUNKCJONOWANIA PARTII POLITYCZNYCH NA UKRAINIE

Author(s): Yaroslav Yarosh / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2017

Current state of functioning of political parties in Ukraine is investigated. In the framework of these issues in more detail are described the procedures of registration and liquidation of political parties. It is proved that the introduction of formal procedures for the regulation of political parties does not lead to the democratization of the political regime. It is argumentated that a legal provision of functioning of political parties in Ukraine requires further liberalization and the weakening of control by the state. The analysis of the legal aspects of the activities of political parties in the political process of Ukraine is implemented.

BULDOŽER - VIZIJA I BE-HA REALNOST

Author(s): Zlatko Dukić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 15/2003

Kad su se, s početka ove godine, na (ne)potrebno pompezan način pred zgradom OHR-a u Sarajevu, a uz neizbježno prisustvo novinara i uvijek poželjnih TV-kamera, uredno nacifrani i službeno raspoloženi, pored pravog pravcatog buldožera poredali zvaničnici ove države i prva postava Ureda visokog predstavnika – radi promocije Buldožer-projekta reformi za 100 dana, našlo se i onih koji ovo (doduše, ne baš naglas) nisu podržali. U isto vrijeme, bilo je i takvih koji su s optimizmom gledali na tu, evidentno osvježavajuću novotariju, vehementno to tumačeći kao riješenost međunarodnih predstavnika da s novom vlašću prave odlučan zaokret.

A házassággal kapcsolatos migráció szabályozása az Egyesült Királyságban

Author(s): Judit Pethő-Szirmai / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2017

Carver, Natasha: ‘For Her Protection and Benefit’: The Regulation of Marriage-Related Migration to the UK = Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 39, 2016, No. 15, 2758–2776. p.