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ПИТАЊЕ БРОЈА НАРОДНИХ ПОСЛАНИКА

Author(s): Marko Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2012

The author examines different formulas for deciding on a number of the members of the parliament (MPs) in contemporary states, and proposes that certain formulas indicate strength of federation. As a result of rich comparative analysis he claims that increase in numbers of the MPs usually reflects population growth, or an effort to strengthen and expand functions of the parliament and of the MPs. Decrease in number of the MPs typically comes as an attempt to control or reduce the costs of the state functioning. Finally, the author sees correlation between the number of the MPs and the quality and quantity of democracy in any given country. Finally the author examines experience of Serbia and suggests rethinking of its MPs number.

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Legitimitet socijalističkih poredaka

Author(s): Robert Blažević / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1992

Socialist systems, like in fact other types of system, aspire, among other things, to secure the support and loyalty of the population and in that way to reduce to a minimum the exertion of violence for the purpose of securing their stability. They however use radically different mechanisms to justify their power than the liberaldemocratic systems do. With the establishment of their system of domination autonomous mechanisms for the articulation of political interests are, like other things, annulled. Their role is taken over by the Communist Party acting as the privileged interpreter of the »historical« interests of the working class. Parliamentary elections and the free competition of various parties with different programs were considered by the official doctrine (»Marxism—Lininism«) to se »bourgeois formalism« or »parliamentary cretinism«. Therefore power in the systems of the Soviet type self-justifies, autolegitimizes itself without legitimizing. The historical events in a number of countries in Eastern Europe during 1989 demonstrate, however, that in most of these countries such mechanisms have been accepted without which it is impossible to prevent the burocratization of political power and, of course, to secure their democratic legitimization.

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ВСТАНОВЛЕННЯ ТА ІНСТИТУАЛІЗАЦІЯ ДЕРЖАВНИХ КОРДОНІВ

Author(s): Roman Kotsan / Language(s): English,Ukrainian Issue: 1/2017

The article summarizes the essence of the concept of "state border". Theoretical basics of establishment of state borders are considered. The successive stages of the establishment of the state borders are considered: alocation, delimitation and demarcation. The article deals with the legal regulation of border. The influence of external and internal factors on the formation of state borders is shown. The process of institutionalization of the border is investigated. The role of public institutions in the functioning of the border is considered. The importance of the border services (army, customs, law enforcement agencies in the operation of state borders) is highlighted. The article generalized tasks and functions of government institutions, mentioned above, in the areas of protection and the functioning of boundaries.

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Kumulowanie mandatów przedstawicielskich jako specyfika francuskiego systemu politycznego

Author(s): Robert Pyka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2010

L’auteur aborde le problème de la longue tradition du cumul des mandats dans le système politique français. Il décrit la genèse et l’histoire de cette institution qui se présente comme un élément important du fonctionnement de la démocratie en France. L e phénomène du cumule des mandats s’est développé continuellement dès le début du républicanisme français, pour atteindre son sommet sous la C inquième République. A ujourd’hui ce problème inspire beaucoup de débats et de discussions surtout dans le contexte de phénomènes comme la crise de la représentation, la modernisation de la politique et la fermeture des élites d’É tats. M ême si le cumul des mandats a fait l’objet de quelques réformes, elles n’ont pas abouties à la liquidation du phénomène ni à sa limitation significative à cause des attitudes ambivalentes des élites politiques. L e cumule des mandats reste ainsi une spécificité française.

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Afrykański model autorytaryzmu – Zimbabwe czasów Roberta Mugabe

Author(s): Krystian Chołaszczyński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/3/2010

This article is consecrated the events which they had place in Republic of Zimba¬bwe, after obtainment of independence by this country. After many years of racial segregation and the ignoring of world public opinion, the new political creature which was named Zimbabwe was appointed in three months to life in place of Southern Rhodesia. The unformed democratic tradition, lack of intertribal unity, unclear perspectives on future and fear before the White settlers’ return, brought to total taking over the power by Robert Mugabe and the ZANU PF. By many years liberator’s legend, permitted Mugabe on country control. However, his desire of power altered country with parliamentary democracy in extreme presidential system wipingone’s face, and in some aspects Crossing authoritarian system. Economic catastrophe caused, that Robert Mugabe had to give back majority of his prerogatives to oppositional in relation to him, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. In this article, the intention of analyse cause for which so charismatic person, using tribe’s fear before colonial times, could bring so great national tragedy. How this happened, that the national icon which had to emancipate with colonial pressure became the symbol of pressure. He was compared to Mandela, and now he is compares to Malan.

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Рансијерова демократска политика

Author(s): Bogdana Koljević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2017

In this article the author considers Ranciere’s multilevel critique of contemporary democracy as well as all the foundations of his own political and philosophical conception, which, in turn, is articulated as the alternative to existing democratic discourses and practices. It is exemplified that Ranciere’s work can be characterized as a unique form of poststructuralism in political philosophy. In the centre of Ranciere’s critique is the thought about the so-called “democratic man” and the notion of “democratic life” as the par excellence forms and manifestations of liberalism in the 21st century. For Ranciere this is illustrated as the contemporary “scandal of democracy” as its perfect simulation in a paradigmatic ideological setting. Moreover, it is precisely such a framework – accompanied by political practices – that creates not only the postmodern illusion of an ethical discourse but equally serves as the basis of fake humanitarianism i.e. of the inexplicable “democracy of force” and the United States imposing its order in the world (imperial democracy). However, Ranciere’s theory of building a new democratic politics aims to bring into question the entire sphere of politics as police and, therefore, the hierarchal structural form of the state with a special emphasis on current economic and social oligarchies. The institutions themselves are perceived as mere appearances that conceal the core division in society. The key argument is that the common signifier lies in representation and that the difference between representational (liberal) democracy and direct (socialist) democracy is of decisive importance for comprehending the political. Simultaneously, it is presented how contingency and chance have an irreplaceable role to play in the democratic process (such as in “drawing of lots”) and that this is interconnected to the “anarchical principle” as well as to the category of the event. Moreover, it is in this way that Ranciere’s political-philosophical thinking opposes established theories of democracy through the affirmation of Marx’s idea of “true democracy” as egalitarianism per se i.e. as original equality which means that in principle no one is more or less entitled to govern and/or to be governed. In that respect, the right and power to govern is the right of all and no one in particular. In conclusion, the author addresses the relation of Ranciere’s discourse of radical democracy to the concepts of the state, society and publicity in particular and underlines all relevant elements of his uncompromised reflections and its potential implications in concrete political practices. The examples are various – from truth being recognized as the subversive form in itself all the way to understanding that in ordinary everyday politics states can, and usually are, more or less democracies.

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Ministerští úředníci ČR a využívání sociálně vědních poznatků

Author(s): František Ochrana,Arnošt Veselý,Martin Nekola,Blanka Tollarová / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2018

The paper deals with the ministerial officials of the Czech Republic. Using large-N survey on the Czech ministerial officials and in-depth interviews with them, we are exploring the role of social scientific knowledge, which use ministry officials. Based on results of the empirical research are drawn comparative conclusions concerning the ministry of defence and other ministries.

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ŠVAJCARSKA KONFEDERACIJA

Author(s): Mahmut Mujačić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02/1991

The author makes an extensive analysis of the political system and the institutions of Switzerland. The federal organization of the political system in spite of being called confederal, came into being as a result of historical circumstances in a traditional independent feudal organization of cantons which established a union for the purpose of their common security.

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Turkey’s Shift to Executive Presidentialism

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Turkey’s Shift to Executive Presidentialism

Author(s): Günter Seufert / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2018

The most recent report of the European Commission on Turkey from 17 April 2018 points out that, for the time given, there is no room for the opening of new EU negotiation chapters. After 13 years of protracted bargaining, mutual crimination, backtracking of democracy and the rule of law in Turkey as well as a serious loss of prestige and leverage on the side of the EU, relations between Ankara and Brussels are at an all-time low. Undermining the separation of powers and the independency of the judiciary, Turkey’s shift to executive presidentialism may well push both sides further apart. However, the EU still matters for Turkey economically and the EU depends on Turkey in the realm of security policy where highly sensitive issues are at stake such as migration, the fight against terrorism and Turkey’s membership in NATO. To secure a working relationship, both Turkey and the EU have to shoulder responsibility for the failing accession process. Turkey needs to fix a number of arrangements of its presidential system most detrimental to democracy. For its part, the EU has to create a new framework for relations of its members with Ankara. A framework is needed that is both attractive for Turkey in terms of economy and challenging regarding the rule of law.

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The Establishment of Dictatorship

Author(s): Christoph K. Neumann / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2018

Turkey might have been expected to be on the road towards a liberal democracy with a robust stateof law, a vibrant civil society and an economy integrated in the neo-liberal global environment.The article first describes the multiple integration of Turkey’s political system and society in globalnetworks of a liberal order orchestrated by the culturally conservative, economically neo-liberalParty of Justice and Development (AKP) under Recep Tayyıp Erdoğan. The contribution then investigates the un-doing of democratic mechanisms by the very same actors since 2011: Sideliningof military, Erdoğan’s ascendency to a position of totally controlling his party, the fight against theGülenist movement, and finally the abrupt end of negotiations with the Kurdish opposition.In conclusion, a bleak picture emerges: The dictatorship being established is going to last. The political constellation of 2011 actually reinforces this development – Erdoğan understood that he had nothing to gain with further steps towards a liberal democracy but realized that due to the absence of strong political institutions supporting a democratic order he was in a position to establish a dictatorial rule.

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عدم االستقرار السياسي في العراق بعد عام 2003

Author(s): Saadi Ibrahim / Language(s): Arabic Issue: 1/2018

As far as Iraq is concerned, the country is suffering from political instability almost since the founding of the contemporary state in the 1920s, but somehow alternately. In the post-2003 period, however, it has become increasingly confused and instability has become its main characteristic. If we are to be exposed to the reasons that led to this, we will find it multiple, but in general, it's divided into internal and external reasons. For internal reasons, it is the way in which the process of regime changing in Iraq, and the fragile foundation which it is based on sectarian and ethnic quotas.

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Liberal and Illiberal Populism. The Leadership of Berlusconi and Orbán

Author(s): András Körösényi,Veronika Patkós / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2017

The paper compares the political leadership of Silvio Berlusconi and Viktor Orbán from the beginning of their political careers to 2014, Besides giving a descriptive comparison of the Italian and Hungarian political leaders, the paper focuses on two questions: (1) the nature of their populism; (2) the quality and robustness of the changes induced by their policy. The paper concludes that both leaders introduced a new era in politics, but Orbán has been more effective in transforming policy means and priorities and also in adjusting the institutional settings (polity). Unlike Berlusconi, he has become a founder of a new regime; a democracy with authoritarian elements. Both of them are populist leaders in terms of substance, as well as process and linkage, but the ideological nature of their populism is rather different. While Berlusconi represents liberal populism, Orbán represents an illiberal one.

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Cultural Policy in an Illiberal State. A Case Study of Hungary after 2010

Author(s): Luca Kristóf / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2017

In social sciences literature, numerous attempts have been made to capture the political essence and features of Hungary’s ‘illiberal’ regime but few were aimed at analyzing specific public policy fields in the illiberal democracy. This paper analyses the cultural policy of the Orbán regime, focusing on the role of ideology. A qualitative case study based on document analysis looks at the legitimizing function of post-communist traditionalism in a managed illiberal democracy (Csillag and Szelényi, 2015). Governmental policy making in the field of culture is analyzed on two interrelated levels: (1) attempts to rewrite the cultural canon, and (2) institutional and financial changes. The results show that post-communist traditionalism serves as a discursive framework for the partial replacement of the cultural elite as well as the redistribution of cultural positions and resources, thus contributing to the creation of a new, loyal elite for the managed illiberal political system.

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ИДЕЯ МОНАРХИЧЕСКОЙ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОСТИ В ИСТОРИИ КОНСЕРВАТИВНОЙ МЫСЛИ РОССИИ ВТОРОЙ ПОЛОВИНЫ XIX – НАЧАЛА XX ВЕКА

Author(s): Baltas Karipov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2018

Comparison of argumentation of K.Р. Pobedonostsev and L.A Tikhomirov, suggests that the former used only religious epistemology, and the latter used mainly legal and political methodology. However, despite all the differences of the explanatory tools, they shared one important idea that the modern monarchical state to them was the result of a long historical development of state system. Monarchical state was evaluated as a political form that best corresponds to the psychological and social foundations of human existence. According to the Russian conservative thinkers only monarchical rule, could be an adequate system in order to solve complex problems of practical politics, interaction of different social forces and spheres of Russian society.

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The Transition from Bicameral to Unicameral Parliament: Learning from the Experience of Western Democracies

Author(s): Roxana Radu,Cezar Avram / Language(s): English Issue: 23/2009

The institution of Parliament is the center of a very recent debate in Romanian political life: bicameralism or unicameralism? The Romanian bicameral system is founded on the necessity of ensuring a balance in the exercise of the parliamentary functions, by the requirement to debate thoroughly the laws adopted and to temper the authoritarian or extremist tendencies of a Chamber. The issue of transition from bicameral to unicameral Parliament was held up together with the referendum from November 22nd 2009, when Romanians pronounced themselves upon the problem of reducing the number of congressmen. But in order to settle a unicameral Parliament it is needed, for the modification of the Constitution, another popular consultation and, of course, learning from the experience of Western democracies.

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Existentiality of Local Government in Nigeria an Answer to Grassroots Development, but for Unsolicited Socio-Political Factors

Author(s): Toyin Cotties Adetiba / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

As an administrative mechanism, LG is designed to facilitate development at the grassroots. The central thesis of this work is that an effective LG system is requisite for the realisations of Nigeria’s vision of rural development. Through the 1979 and 1999 Nigeria constitutions, it was transformed to third tier government for effectiveness. This work recognises LG as a political/administrative therapy to sustaining rural development in Nigeria; but has failed owing to some socio-political factors. To make LG more fulfilling as the third tier of government, there is need for constitutional reforms separating its powers from the state/federal government, the paper suggests.

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Democratization Hurdles in Nigeria's Fourth Republic: An Institutional Point of View Approach

Author(s): Olatunji Bamgbose,Olalekan Ajibade / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

This study assesses the Nigeria's democracy under the fourth republic, examine its major hurdles and generate policy measures that would help address the problems. The paper further examined the challenges facing Nigeria's democracy, making an analysis of these challenges from the various Institutions. The study did not forget to highlight the various institutional responses. The paper relied on descriptive and interpretive methods of data analysis, while data collection is based on review of published literature and other media sources. The recommendations and suggestion of this study are capable of addressing the hurdles and challenges of democracy in Nigeria.

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A technokrata kormány értelmezése és esete

Author(s): László Galambos / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

Technocratic government is a crisis phenomenon. Though its status is often considered as being antipolitical, it would be better to speak of a non-partybased government. This type of administration can be formed when parties empower nonpartisan technocrats for strategic reasons to shift responsibility for governing onto them. However, of those administrations labelled as technocratic only a few can be considered to be so in the absolute sense, i.e. the inverse of party-based governance. Modern democracy is based upon representation and party government and the parties constitute the linkage between the voters and the government. Given these characteristics, technocratic government cannot be seen as a long-term alternative to partisan representation, hence a technocratic administration is only a state of exception for democracy.

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A hatalom konszolidációja

Author(s): Gergely Rajnai / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2018

This study deals with the notion of consolidation of power. This concept can be used to describe numerous phenomena that various fields of political science have engaged with, yet consolidation has not been defined and these phenomena have not been subsumed under one comprehensive framework. This paper offers a conceptualization for this notion; the definition of consolidation is presented by drawing a parallel with the well-defined concept of democratic consolidation. In addition to defining consolidation, I also describe the different types (negative, neutral and positive consolidation; embedded power) of the concept, while also presenting the relations of the various types to each other. Finally, the paper discusses the relationship between power consolidation and democracy, noting that while power consolidation is present in every political system, certain types of consolidation are irreconcilable with the principles of liberal democracy.

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Die Visegrád-Staaten in der Europäischen
Union nach dem Brexit

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Die Visegrád-Staaten in der Europäischen Union nach dem Brexit

Author(s): Ralf Thomas Göllner / Language(s): German Issue: 01/2019

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU will lead to a partial re-design of the Union. Formal and informal coalitions within Europe are re-positioning themselves in order to shape this process. The Visegrád Four, i.e. the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, will be significantly affected by Brexit. Theoretically, they will gain influence on the European stage and could forma joint opposition to EU extensive regulatory and integration dynamics. The article analyses the increasing influence of the Visegrád Group and their political leverage in the European Council. The contribution also addresses current voting coalitions for the European Parliament in May 2019 and the changing constellation of the parliamentary groups after Brexit.

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