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The author demonstrates the opposition of the Soviet laughter-culture and the sacralized totalitarian practices using as example images of Child Woman and Family.
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The constitution provides the base and foundation of a country’s legal system. It is an act of law of the most prominent legal force. In addition to that, in the system of sources of law it is accompanied by the principle of primacy in the material and formal sense as well as in the positive and negative sense. In this context, seeing that the principle of primacy and direct applicability are clearly highlighted and stressed in the substance of the constitution by the Lithuanian legislator, it puts the issue of the system of guarantee of the principle especially of its efficacy and efficiency. It is undisputed that the measure of efficacy and efficiency of the principle of primacy of the constitution is the system of formal guarantees which are straightforwardly targeted at the protection of the constitution and among which the basic significance is ascribed to the institution of the law’s constitutionality control. In this matter, the Lithuanian legislator referred to the continental – jurisdictional – model of the control of the law’s constitutionality and established the constitutional court. <e analysis of the valid rules of law – concerning the position of the political system of the Lithuanian Constitutional Court, the scope of its ratione materiae competence and the consequences of its statement are to be acknowledged as satisfying howsoever some doubts may accompany the course of the realization of the “preventive control” of the constitutional accordance of international agreements. Furthermore, the actual scope of the value of the Lithuanian constitution’s legal function, especially when confronting its direct applicability with the independence of the judiciary, the principles of initiating of the law’s constitutionality control in the course of specific – including the lack of the individual constitutional complaint – and relatively numerous references to acts.
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L’Auteur commence par un constat général concernant la recherche empirique en sciences politiques dans la Pologne de ces dernières années : le nombre de ces recheches est incontestablemenet très faible et, parmi celles qui sont menées, la plupart s’appuie sur une méthodologie quantitative. Les recherches de ce type visent à recouvrir le pays entier et produisent, en effet, une vision statistique s’adressant au « Polonais moyen » et faisant l’impasse sur bon nombre de dissemblances sociales, économiques et culturelles qui caractérisent les différentes régions et communautés territoriales du pays. Pourtant, la renaissance des vieilles identités culturelles régionales (là où cette identité a toujours été très forte; à l’exemple de la Haute Silésie) et l’engagement d’un processus particulièrement dynamique de construction de nouvelles identités culturelles régionales (là où elle était faible par le passé) constituent des résultats des plus manifestes de la démocratisation de la vie sociale. Par ailleurs, la reconnaissance des identités culturelles suit en Pologne un processus d’une récente envergure qui dote celles-ci d’une forme nouvelle politisée où « le culturel » fait ressurgir « le politique ». Cela est surtout observable aux niveaux des voïvodiesrégions car on trouve dans chacune d’elles une collectivité territoriale autogérée par un conseil de voïvodie (dietine - Sejmik) issu d’un scrutin démocratique. Cette politisation ouvre un véritable champ de travail pour des recherches de l’ordre de l’anthropologie politique car chaque cas de voïvodie devient spécial. Ainsi, les cas bien définis – tel celui la Haute Silésie où l’on a même noté des revendications dans le sens d’une autonomie culturelle – feront figure de cas spéciaux. Contexte dans lequel il devient impossible de saisir cette spécificité par le biais d’une approche qualitative. L’Auteur suggère alors la création, à côté des recherches quantitatives déjà existantes, d’une série de recherches qualitatives basées sur la méthodologie de l’anthropologie politique de manière à pouvoir compléter le tableau des résultats déjà obtenus dans le cadre des recherches quantitatives connus depuis 20 ans de la Pologne démocratique.
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High court orders a referendum on government-backed railway project to be re-run.
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The paper deals with the problem of quantitative and qualitative functioning of the political parties in modern Ukraine. It studies particular political structures which avoid their active political positioning, have an unsystematic, sporadic character of their political activity or imitate their active participation in the political life. Existence of the “phantom” parties in the Ukrainian political system has negative consequences as it withholds the party system qualitative structuring process.
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In the article the author is raising the issues of theoretical and methodological background of research studies on hybrid regimes which are located between democracy and authoritarianism. The author is trying to respond to the following research problem: to what extent the abstract hybrid regimes category can be seen as a new type of political regimes and to what extent it should be regarded only as one of the steps of the transition. Considering the research problem presented in the introduction, the author came to the conclusion that hybrid systems in some cases should be considered as stages of the system transition; however, the fact that long-term balance between democracy and authoritarianism can become the basis for determining the hybrid regimes as a new type of political systems should not be negated.
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The characteristics and specifics of the regional policy of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland in the context of central and regional public authorities relations are researched in this article. The author reveals the positive aspects of Polish modernization transformations for the sake of their subsequent adaptation to the Ukrainian reality. The system of possible risks in pro-European implementation of decentralized management is shown. The author offers suggestions of reformatting regional policy in Ukraine.
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The article explores the main mechanisms of the maintenance of international order in a contemporary system of international relations. Within the system of international relations an order status is maintained by mechanisms of two types: organized and elemental. In this context, the mechanisms for maintaining order can be divided according to not only the degree of organization but also the content. From this perspective, the following mechanisms of international order were distinguished: institutional, regulatory-legal, economic, political-military, cultural, ideological and informational. International order is the sum of certain rules and principles established by all countries; those that they observe are built on the interaction of different factors.
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The article discusses the course of the State of Emergency in India, which took place between 26 June 1975 to 21 March 1977. The author explains the main reasons of introducing the state of emergency by then prime minister of India – Indira Gandhi. The article focuses its attention on the steps taken by the head of Indian government, leading to the introduction of so-called “disciplined democracy” and their consequences for Indian society. The author especially emphasizes controversial issue of family planning in India, during the emergency state.
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At the turn of the twenties and thirties of the twentieth century, the idea to elaborate Polish national law was born among some law students of Polish universities. The place where this concept was being shaped was the student journal “Law”, which from mid-thirties represented the majority of the academic law circles existing at law faculties of Polish universities, and then “Contemporary Legal Thought” on whose pages law faculty graduates presented their ideas. The aim set by young lawyers was to formulate a legal doctrine whose centre would be constituted by a nation understood as a community based on centuries-old tradition of experiences. The form of national organisation which the publishers of the above mentiones journals attempted to create was a national state. The shaping of national law was to be the consequence of the process of its nationalization (to make it national and free from foreign influences). This process was to take place in three areas: normative, axiological and psychological one. Therefore, in the first sphere, the efforts were to be undertaken in order to make law national by basing it on historical sources of Polish constitutional tradition. The objective of the activities in the second area was to define the main ideas, that is, moral imperatives which had been developed in Polish politico-legal thought in its historical evolution, and in the third one — fundamental principles were to be determined deriving from the Polish nation’s experiences in its spiritual development. The idea of national law formulated by these young lawyers should be perceived as the response to the conviction about the crisis of civilization prevailing in Europe at that time. This crisis, in their opinion, had moral, economic and political dimensions. They saw improvement of the contemporary relations in each of the mentioned spheres in the reception of national law in political practice.
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Freedom Union, a political formation which was created from the connection of the Democratic Union and the Liberal-Democratic Congress in spring 1994, was accused of being the continuation of DU’s idea and the difference between DU and FU was a regulation in the party’s statute which banned creating political factions. Conflicts among the members of the connected groups took place already during the first convention of the party. It turned out then, that there must be a place for various views on various themes in the party. The members were accused of switching to either left or right side of the political scene, for example through crypto-factions creation — Polish Liberal Group. As a result, party activists put forward a proposal to create Democratic Forum which main aim was to strengthen FU position on the political arena and to unify actions of the union members.
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The purpose of article “Gdansk’s liberals – pragmatic liberalism” is to present the ideology and socio-political program of the Gdansk liberals. Subsequently, an attempt will be shown to incorporate the concept of the Gdansk liberals in the party program of the Liberal-Democratic Congress (Kongres Liberalno-Demokratyczny). The author in the introduction focuses on the definition of intellectual formation called the “Gdansk liberals”. Then they were presented the basic ideas, the political program (system of state, privatization as an attempt to create a middle class, regionalism, and the issue of “liberal revolution”). Article ends with reflections on the relationship of Gdansk’s liberals to KLD.
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When general Francisco Franco took over the reign in Spain a period called Francist dictatorship began. Propaganda began to be used on a large scale, starting with the indoctrination of the journalists to make them represent “the truth” convenient for the national authorities in their material. A positive image of the regime was made also directly through organizing lavish national celebrations such as army parades. The actions were taken in such a manner, that Franco was portrayed as a brave, strong, eminent leader. Often, inconvenient information was hidden only to not destroy the ideally planned nation’s image in the eyes of Spanish society. However, the greatest propaganda influence had the Cinematographic Documents Chronicle, which aim was to inform about the local and world events, whose materials were often untrue and broadcasted with delay.
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National Communism is a strange phenomenon as the national mutation of the internationalist Marxist ideology. The first kind of National Communism was revolutionary movements of national minorities, supported by Bolsheviks against Great Russian imperialism. But necessities of the State defense supported the birth of Soviet patriotism. „Socialism in one country” extorted renaissance of Russian nationalism because Russia was the core of USSR. Under Stalin the Soviet patriotism became new form of the old Russian nationalism.
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The article presents main theoretical approaches to the concepts of totalitarianism and authoritarianism, simultaneously confronting them with the assumptions and essence of democracy. The comparative method was used in the text allowed to show the most significant differences between authoritarianism, totalitarianism and democracy. Highlighting the main differences between authoritarianism and totalitarianism is one of the results of the analysis. Absence of a homogenous ideology, lack of mobilization of society, acceptation the existence of the opposition, the possibility of multi-state leadership, tolerant or affirmative attitude towards the Roman Catholic Church - are significant in the case of authoritarianisms. For every conceptual category typology of the multiple and etymological significance is presented. The article shows the concepts for the definition of authoritarianism and totalitarianism in terms of such theorists like Hannah Arendt, Zbigniew Brzeziński, Juan Linz, Robert A. Dahl
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Fascism has never created homogeneous doctrine or ideology. We have to speak about fascisms in plural. Fascisms from the very beginning were distinguished by great diversity. As nationalistic ideologies they should naturally reveal in national variants, which were additionally overlapped by internal diversity - within every nation we can find several competing mutations. As a result, trying to define fascism we would always find ourselves between Scylla of excessive narrowing of idea (in extreme terms - only to the Italian fascism) and Charybdis of excessive extension to everything, that is showing whatsoever similarity with original. In the article „Seeking the essence of fascism” author shows the origins of fas¬cism, looking for common elements in fascisms and characterizes the naturę of fascist worldview. Finally author states that we cannot find attributes, characteristic only for fascism. Even the obvious criminality of fascism can be compared with the crimes of totalitarian regimes. Author notes, that about fascism as a unique phenomenon we can speak only in the sense of specific fusion of peculiarities characteristic to other phenomenon.
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This article is an attempt to present the Cuban government policy towards art¬ists and intellectual circles after 1959. The cultural policy of the Cuban regime focused on adjusting all intellectual and artistic activity to the only valid ideology. In the years 1959-1965, the artists and intellectuals were compelled to join institutions controlled by the government. The freedom of thought and creation was subordinated to the dictate of the State: defense of revolution and construction of socialism. Individuals unwilling to cooperate, distant from the ideał of the "revolutionary subject” or demonstrating critical attitude automatically became interior enemies that were persecuted and obliged to obey. In the end of the 1980’s, with the fali of the socialist błock, the hope for changes arose in Cuba. In response to awakening of intellec¬tuals and dissidents, the government tightened the system of repression: in the Law 88, enacted in 1999, further sanctions against freedom of communication were introduced. The government increased persecution of independent journalists, human rights activists and authors of independent cultural initiatives. In 2003, 75 dissidents most of them promoters of the Varela Project and members of the Movimiento Cristiano Liberación - were arrested and sentenced to many years of imprisonment under the Law 88. The assuming of power by Raul Castro in July 2006 did not bring any change; on the contrary, persecutions were intensified. There is a growing number of Cubans sentenced on the charge of a "precriminal social danger”. In view of this, the government’s tolerance of marginal opposition in the "besieged fortress” - paradoxcally - may be simultaneously used as another method of spreading terror among Cuban citizens.
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in this paper, the author analyses the party system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main obstacle in the analysis is the issue of the appropriate theoretical framework. generally, Sartori’s framework is considered the most relevant one; however, the author believes that it cannot be appropriately used in the ethnically divided Bosnia and Herzegovina. Starting with basic propositions of party system and spatial competition, author comes to the assumption that party system of Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot be analysed statewide. instead of Sartori’s framework, the author imposes theoretical framework for multi-level party system. Such theoretical framework provides analyti cal tools for deeper analysis of party system and its character. Within it, au thor compares statewide with substate elections using indicators such as ef fective number of parties, power of relevant parties on different levels and congruence of government coalitions. Based on them, the author analyses the degree of party system integration which provides findings about its character.
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The basis of the paper were speeches of these deputies. The greatest activity of deputies of Wielun region was in 1780. Deputies of Wielun region did not speak at all only at the assembly of 1782. Wielun region was represented in seym by smaller senator, who was castellan of Wielun. Moreover, every two years two deputies were chosen on Wielun assemblies. The speeches of Wielun deputies on Stanislav’s seyms had patriotic character. This is seen the best on the example of the Assembly of 1776, when representatives of Wielun region critically assessed the first partition. At the same time Wielun deputies were related with royal party on all seyms of 1776–1786. They tried to strengthen the authority of the Permanent Council, its departments and other governmental committees of the Republic in most speeches.
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In this paper, the authors analyze the impact of direct democracy on the system of political representation. Over the past decade there has been a gradual erosion of citizens’ confidence in classical representative institutions. In this context, this turnaround can be interpreted as a kind of gradual transition from representative to direct democracy. However, such a democratic ideal is difficult to achieve in contemporary con ditions, and direct democracy is seen as a complement to the classic institutions of representative democracy. These trends have expanded avenues for citizens to participate more in policy-making within the general framework of representative democracy in which parliaments continue to play a central role. Political culture to which direct democ racy contributes does not promote a political parties. On the contrary, it diminishes their role in the political system. This is most evident in the case of elections, since in systems with widespread use of mechanisms of direct democracy, turnout is lower.
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