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The author presents the specific elements of diplomatic and consular work in the South Pacific region from the perspective of a career diplomat. He shows the main geographical and political characteristics of Australia which influence consular activity and also the characteristics of the beneficiaries of consular services who need to be served by the consular infrastructure. The study presents several models for undertaking Hungarian consular work and for organizing the Hungarian consular network in Australia. The author also outlines current inconsistencies in the regulations applicable to consular activity in Australia under domestic, international, and Hungarian norms as well as functional issues and the possible ways to correct them. In his conclusions, the author formulates proposals for the redesign of consular organization in Australia.
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As a result of the first free and democratic elections in Hungary, in May 1990, József Antall formed a government, whose foreign policy goal was the restoration of the sovereignty of Hungary and the support and representation of the Euro-Atlantic integration and of the Hungarians across the border. In the Hungarian–Czechoslovak bilateral relations, the new Hungarian government’s aim was to expand the political relations in both federal and republican levels. It was Hungary’s interest that serious legacies, such as the issue of the Bős–Nagymaros Dam system, should not hold back the general advance, wherefore a solution appropriate for both parties had to be found. Hungary considered Czechoslovakia as an outstanding economic partner. The Antall government took steps so that the fate and future of the Slovakian Hungarians would be ensured in accordance with the European development standards. One of the key issues in this was the consistent Czechoslovak condemnation of the principle of collective guilt, the Beneš decrees. During the dialogues, certain elements of the common historical past returned several times.
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The United States of America (USA) has consolidated its own side and people by positioning the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) as the “other”. Later, with the September 11 attacks, USA positioned “Global Terror” as the new “other”. Then China became stronger and wanted to challenge the global Western hegemony, became a new “enemy” for the USA. After that new global competition started. Containment policy of the USA has also added a regional framework to the competition. Because, in the competition’s regional perspective, Australia, which is involved in Western alliances, plays a very important role and has a critical importance in the US containment policy against China.
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This article presents the issues of legitimacy, particularly concerning the global reality of the institution of power in the context of present-day conditions of international politics, with particular emphasis on fragile states functioning mainly in the area of the contemporary “Third World”. The legality and legitimacy of power analyzed here undoubtedly have significant implications for the internal politics of fragile states, regional good neighborly relations, and international politics, particularly in the context of the global security strategy. This article examines the above issues primarily in the context of policy theory. As a result, several research questions arise: to what extent and how does legitimacy affect the effectiveness of the political strategies used by the authorities? Are other factors and stimulators of political commitment also taken into account? What is the importance of legitimacy in the context of the complex conditions of the politically and economically ineffective fragile state? Is legitimacy, apart from the moral and ideological dimension, significant in the destabilized reality of the weak political and economic structures of a failing state? The analysis, in this way, makes it possible to interpret and present many important factors for which the concept of the legitimacy of power plays a significant role in reflecting on the geopolitical determinants of fragile states in contemporary international relations.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the conditions and various dimensions of military cooperation between China and Latin American countries in the twenty-first century. The article consists of three parts. First of all, the author outlines Sino-Latin American relations in a broader perspective, presenting the conditions and goals of the Chinese presence in Latin America and the Caribbean and synthetically discussing the most important areas of political and economic cooperation. In the second part, he analyses the conditions and significance of military cooperation, pointing to the factors conducive to the development of cooperation, what is more, he motives and role of China’s military diplomacy in the Latin American region. In the third part, there are presented the most important forms of cooperation. The author focused on defense ministers’ and military commanders meetings, training, joint exercises and arms trade. The author’s priority goal is to show the evolution of military cooperation between the Middle Kingdom and Latin America and its importance for the balance of power in the region.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union into 15 independent states in December 1991, including the Russian Federation, there was a real opportunity to reset relations between Moscow and Islamabad. The Russian Federation did not take advantage of the new geopolitical situation to significantly improve mutual relations in the last decade of the twentieth century. However, in the first two decades of the twenty-first century, there was an intensification of political, economic and military relations between the two countries, which fluctuated. The author focused in the article on the premises that underline the improvement of mutual relations in these three areas. The premises that have inhibited and inhibit more intensive cooperation, especially in the political and economic fields, were also presented. In the end was formulated a few conclusions.
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