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IKiev, another very turbulent month has just ended, bringing more political uncertainty and public distrust than concrete answers. Among other factors, the Ukrainian president’s call on the Prime Minister to step down, due to his inability to proceed with the reform agenda, has exposed a very fragile political environment.
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The agency reported on the Russian billionaire’s business dealings with ex-Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort.
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Fenced-in neighbor Slovenia has spent years trying to ensure its shipping access to the high seas.
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In the new, post-Cold War reality Polish foreign policy faced challenges stemmingfrom the need to set targets that would refl ect the interests of Poland, as well as take into accountthe changes in the international environment. Gradually, the assumptions and directions of foreignpolicy were rebuilt, with an aim to ensure the safety of the country in both internal andexternal dimension, to provide the territorial integrity, strengthen the sovereignty and createoptimal conditions for the development of the state and society. Aft er 1989, as a consequence ofthe concentration of eff orts of Polish diplomacy on the implementation of strategic directionsof foreign policy, others had a secondary meaning. Polish vital interests were located in theEuro-Atlantic area, in the immediate vicinity, as well as in Central and Eastern Europe, which iswhy in the fi rst place all strengths and resources were engaged there in order to implement thestrategic tasks of foreign policy; the Western Balkans remained on the sidelines, in the territoryof former Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, this did not mean the total marginalization of the post--Yugoslav region, and the perception of the events associated with the disintegration of theYugoslav federation as not directly, but only indirectly connected with Polish interests.
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Officials from each side meet amid allegations that South Ossetia is quietly expanding into Georgian territory.
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Report comes on heels of Bloomberg claims the cybersecurity firm has worked closely with Russia’s main spy agency.
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Some hail cheaper, easier travel and a symbolic turn to Europe, but for others it’s a complication.
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Even Russia admits a Buk missile shot down the Malaysian airliner three years ago today, but its version of events is finding few takers.
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Luhansk rebel leader says he isn’t part of his colleague’s plan for a new state on territory of ‘former Ukraine.’
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This article deals with the historical and contemporary Polish‑Japanese relations in various aspects of cooperation: political, military, economic and cultural types. Author discusses the traditions of Polish‑Japanese military cooperation since the Russo‑Japanese War to 1944 year, which is important in the context of the fact that during the Second World War, Poland and Japan fought on the opposite side. Despite this, two countries work together, as a common opponent was the Stalinist Soviet Union. In the following section discusses the renewal of the Polish‑Japanese relations after 1957 and their development, including the attitude of the Japanese authorities to “Solidarity” movement in 1980‑1981 to Polish‑Japanese relations after 1989. The author ends the with text summary and an attempt to outlook mutual the cooperation both countries.
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Move came as the former close ally of Ukraine’s president was visiting the U.S.
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The article attempts to analyze how the European Union plays its distinctive international role as a so-called soft power. The paper takes into account the fact that the EU acts on its external environment using primarily of a political, diplomatic, economic and cultural means, and not through the use of ‘hard’ instruments of coercion (including the armed forces). The concept of the European Union as a ‘soft power’ serves as a starting point for the presentation of other theories directly related to it – in the first place the concept of the EU as a ‘civilian power’ and‘normative power’ and other theories derivatives. They take into account various aspects of the specificity of the European Union as a unique participant in contemporary international relations, restraining from using military force and promoting democratic values.
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The main aim of the paper involves evaluation of significance of the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) for the EU and understanding of its role in the global perspective. Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) bargaining is analysed through the prism of the CCP’s formation history, objectives, achievements and unresolved issues. An important result of the research is the conclusion that European’s/EU’s attempts to provide depoliticized common trade policy collide with its objectives of values’ exporting. Commitment to preferential treatment of developing and least developed countries creates a field of instability and endangerment of a double standards. Current EU-U.S. Free Trade Agreement talks remain a particular case that reveal gaps, but also achievements of the CCP and its role in the global trade. TTIP negotiations are a milestone in a process of the global trade standards elaboration. If exhausting bureaucratic bargaining looks uncomfortable for the U.S.’ realpolitik, it perfectly suits to the CCP which was creating the same way.
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In this research paper, the author focuses on the analysis of the implications of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) for China. In the recently launched TTIP negotiations between the USA and the European Union, it has been emphasized that the talks will make reducing regulatory barriers a signature issue. The emphasis on overcoming these barriers has generated some excitement, with large figures being offered as estimates of the resulting economic gains. New agreements to remove trade barriers aim at reducing dead-weight costs and increasing net social gains from international trade. This paper examines the problem of regulatory barriers and offers an assessment of what can be achieved. Ideally, the best way to address problems arising from regulatory divergence would be to take into account the relations of the EU and USA with China in terms of multilateral collaboration. The main aim of the paper is the presentation of the TTIP’s implications for China. The particular objective of the research task here is the regulatory trade barriers in the USA-EU foreign trade policy, the nature and the promoters of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), interrelationship between regulatory standards and international cooperation in the TTIP, and TTIP’s impact on China.
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Throughout the political history of Iran, after the World War II, the Tudeh Party has played a significant role as the mother of many other political parties in the last 75 years. This party has especially been the primary base for almost all parties with socialist and leftist tendencies. Without a doubt, the party’s establishment was inspired by the 1917 October Revolution in Russia and under a major influence of the Russian Communist Party. The aim of this paper is to show some of the consequences of such relationship between two actors within the international relations. Although it is more than two and half decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the consequences of its influence are still felt in the Iranian political space. In this paper, it is unavoidable to highlight this influence in order to open different angles of the discussion. Furthermore, the paper aims to show a political reliance on a foreign power can easily come in conflict with the responsibilities of a popular movement within the national framework. It can be harmful, and it is something that can be avoided.
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Public and cultural diplomacy are concepts of foreign policies of almost all modern states. As concepts and practices they were especially important during the Cold War, albeit in diplomatic practice there have been some tendencies of communication for international relations and creating a foreign public perception, since the very beginning of the diplomacy. Due to the sophisticated modus operandi and unsuspected results in the creation of permanent partnership-friendly relations with foreign countries, this segment of diplomacy is known as a soft power in diplomatic practice. From the most prominent actors on the global political map to the world’s most prestigious universities, public and cultural diplomacy become attractive and challenging objects of interest. In our region, despite the examples of good diplomatic practice, debates and exchange of experiences on these issues are very rare.
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The sociological reflection that links integration dynamics and the concept of consensus, involves – almost immediately in our perspective – the comparison with the territorial horizon of reference. Bearing in mind these premises, a punctual explanation that considers the basic elements of these concepts, will be particularly useful in order to report our ‘theoretical way’.
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China, after years of an international isolation, begins to play a more extensive role in the world. It becomes the main world player in every branch of a single nation’s activity, starting from economy through military to social and culture areas. One of the probes of the international rebirth of this great nation is its diplomatic relations with Vatican. The reason diplomatic relations with the state of Vatican were for some time out of discussion was the Chinese ideology. After it was abandoned, it appeared there are only two issues implicating those relations: Vatican’s diplomatic relations with Taiwan and the Chinese Catholic Church’s wish to remain independent from the Pope.The last few years show the meaningful change of the Chinese and Vatican’s approach to the problem: it appears that the, so called, border issues are defined. Vatican expects China to acknowledge the Pope as the head of the universal Church, whereas Vatican is supposed to revise its diplomatic relations with Taiwan – Vatican is now the only state in Europe to maintain the diplomatic links with Taiwan. In the research, the author has traced back the tangled relationship between the Holy See and the Middle Kingdom starting with the first footprints of Christianity in China to the current situation, when the significant thaw in bilateral relations takes place. Concluding, the article shows the signs of the real reestablishing of diplomatic relations between those two very specific states.
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The presented article attempts to describe and analise the evolution of Charles de Gaulle’s ideas regarding the relations between states and nations of France and Germany. Beginning with the first look towards the eastern neighbour, through the events of interwar period until the time of de Gaulle’s presidency, the article presents ideas and demands formulated by de Gaulle in the issue of franco-german relations. The article also describes the process of evolution of Gaullist approach, from the desire of the vengeance on Germans to the belief in the need of reconciliation of two nations. The article intends to prove that the franco-german relations (as viewed by de Gaulle), just like gaullism itself, had one pragmatic object: to ensure „the greatness of France”. The last object of the article is to disenchant the „romantic history” of franco-german post-war reconciliation. To achieve this object the article analises the views and postulates of German chancellor Konrad Adenauer the second great architect of franco-german reconciliation.
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he economic and political aspect of the equilibrium-saving within the triangle “Delhi–Beijing–Islamabad” is the principle topic of the article. The research is based on the system methodology, thus China, India and Pakistan are presented here as the elements of the international relations subregional system. The inter-elements’ relationships are developing in the vital connection with the algorithms of the functioning of the greater system – Asia–Pacific Region.In connection with the said, the article begins with the APR characterization, the place of Southern Asia within the APR is also initially analyzed.The bilateral China-India and Paki-China relations are observed and the conclusions are formulated. Estimating the new challenges to the global international security and taking into account the considerable role of economics in the development of the countries studied, the new threats and, on the other hand, new opportunities for the uneasy interstate relationships are considered. The policy-influencing economic projects are covered in the article; IT-collaboration, co-operation within the international organizations are also considered as the restraining factors of the “triangle’s” antagonistic relations. Nevertheless, the key issue is, whether China is able to co-operate with both rival sides, avoiding the provocations. As a result of supporting one side, e.g. Pakistan, China can make India feel uneasy, in this way refreshing the old territorial disputes between the countries. Only the wise political steps can save Beijing from the collapse in its Southern Asia policy. The economic and political tools of conducting such a wise policy towards both Delhi and Islamabad are covered in the present article.
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