Activities of the Visegrad Group in the context of the CFSP of the EU

Author(s): Monika Ślufińska,Agnieszka Anna Nitszke / Language(s): English Issue: 22/2017

The Visegrad Group (V4) was formed with the aim to support Central European countries – Poland, Czechoslovakia (since 1993 the Czech Republic and Slovakia) and Hungary in their efforts to join NATO and the European Communities. V4 had to redefine its role and tasks after 2004 having achieved the set objectives in the first years of its existence. The new format of the Visegrad Group made provisions for a close cooperation between member states within the European Union. The strategy of combining potentials of the V4 states in negotiations on the EU level is based on reasonable assumptions, as it may lead to an increased significance of the region in the decision-making process. The article discusses the genesis and evolution of the V4 up to 2004. Next there is presented Visegrad cooperation in the field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU. The text analysis specific issues projecting the safety of Europe in recent years. The analysis of the commitment of V4 in the shaping of the EU CFSP will be based on source materials, mainly on documents produced by the authorities of the Visegrad Group such as presidency programmes, statements, declarations and annual reports.

Оглед о економским односима Србије и САД

Author(s): Milan Petrović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 163/2017

Rozwój współpracy inwestycyjnej pomiędzy Polską a Federacją Rosyjską w XXI wieku

Author(s): Adam Michalik / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2017

Poland is the biggest FDI recipient of the EU countries located in Central Europe. The statistics are showing also more and more investment high activity of Polish companies on the foreign markets. Towards the strong competition and high costs of the workforce in EU countries, Polish companies as the location of their investments often choose markets outside the EU, including the Russian market. The article presents analysis of the investment cooperation between Poland and the Russian Federation and shows the essential barriers negatively influencing in the shape of these relations. He is pointing in addition also the high importance of the role of the economic diplomacy in the development of cooperation investment between both countries.

السياسة الخارجية العراقية بين النظرية والتطبيق دراسة حالة العلاقات العراقية – السعودية حتى عام 2014 وآفاقها المستقبلية

Author(s): Ali Bashar Agwan / Language(s): Arabic Issue: 1/2017

The Iraqi foreign policy was formed after 2003 in a difficult period in which Iraq experienced a destructive war and the state was reshaped numerous times. The Iraqi foreign policy consisted of a complex mix of conflicting interests of internal political forces and driven by external engines that wish to obtain a foothold in the new phase of Iraq. This complex situation has generated an unbalanced Iraqi political performance based on common interests between 2003 and 2014, constructed on the size of internal political interests of political forces and the deepening of relations with them. In general, Iraq's foreign policy from 2003 to 2014 can be characterised at the very least as a turbulent policy that has suffered from a lack of clarity of vision and direction. Perhaps Iraq and its foreign policy are not alone the reason for this fact. The regional environment, its turbulent turmoil, the power of ideological attraction and polarisation and the policy of the international axes and their branches made the Iraqi policy flounder without a clear and coherent vision based on the facts of the internal Iraqi reality. The disincentives of this relationship and its components vary from one stage to the next. Sometimes, the deterioration between the two countries is due to the rigidity of international polarisation and the policy of regional axes and agents. Iraq belonged to the Eastern Soviet camp while Saudi Arabia took part in the American. The economic/oil competition has become the subject of the relationship between the two countries, as was the case after the end of the Iran-Iraq war in 1988. At other times, the geopolitical conflict over the leadership and representation of the Arabian Peninsula in the Arab and Middle Eastern regional system was the subject of competition. The issue of Iraq's invasion of Kuwait led to the collapse of relations with Saudi Arabia in full. At a later moment, the conflict took on highly complex images, bringing the ideological variable as a new source of conflict between the two countries, especially after 2003.

Turkish President Turgut Özal’s Impact on Nursultan Nazarbayev’s Perception of Turkey

Author(s): Dinmukhammed Ametbek / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

Nursultan Nazarbayev as the founding President of Kazakhstan played a determinant role in the formation of Kazakh foreign policy. In this respect, the article examines Nazarbayev’s perception of Turkey as a decision maker in foreign policy are based on observation rather than realities. Nazarbayev is aware of the fact that the national identity of Kazakhstan is divided between two competing poles; Russian and Kazakh, in a broader sense; Slavic and Turkic. From this perspective, Nazarbayev’s perception of Turkey is significant as it is not only related to foreign policy but at the same time the national identity of Kazakhstan. The study argues that the President of Republic of Turkey of early 1990s Turgut Özal with his active diplomacy towards Kazakhstan contributed to the positive image of Turkey. The research concludes that close and reliable relations between Nazarbayev and Özal became the basis of a strategic partnership between Kazakhstan and Turkey.

السياسة الخارجية الأمريكية تجاه منطقة الشرق الأوسط بين ثوابت الاستمرارية ومتطلبات التغيير: دراسة مقارنة لإدارتي (بوش الابن وباراك اوباما)

Author(s): Salim Abdullah Matar / Language(s): Arabic Issue: 1/2017

The concept of change in international politics is problematic on international level, this confusion is due to the absence of consensus defined by the various ongoing debates about the nature of the possibilities and consequences of the change in the process of international relations. Known as "Holsta" Holsti change in foreign policy as a "modification / sharp substitution patterns of international relations of the country". It is that the dependent variable in this process is the changes in the patterns of foreign diplomatic relations, cultural, military, trade and economic, and the identification of new policies in view of the role of external agents within the state, and the intention of the policy maker in the reformulation of foreign policy, which is expressed restart foreign policy orientation. It could be argued that in spite of the policies pursued by successive US presidents toward the Middle East contrast, there is almost a consensus or agreement on the fundamental interests of the main objectives, which is on the US foreign policy, must work on the protection and realization. In order to monitor the dimensions of change and continuity in the orientation of US foreign policy toward the Middle East for the administration's (Bush and Barack Obama) comparisons will be held on the level goals and strategies orientations. These comparisons will continue to identify and change US foreign policy issues for each of the administration's (Bush and Barack Obama). Thus, Research dilemma that can be addressed in the search, is how much differentiation between the emerging policy of my administration (Bush and Barack Obama), toward the Middle East and what repercussions it? In order to address the problem at hand and test the validity of the hypothesis pursued a researcher from the three-pronged plan. The first axis: the objectives and strategies for the Departments of Bush and Barack Obama. The second axis: foreign policy orientations of the administrations, Bush and Barack Obama. The third axis: a comparison between my administration, Bush and Barack Obama, the level of goals, strategies and trends.

Realizm-İdealizm İkilemi Bağlamında İran’ın Dış Politika Yönelimlerine Teorik Bir Bakış

Author(s): Doğacan Başaran / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2017

The first theoretical debate between realism and idealism in International Relations has affected states’ foreign policies. Within this context, Iran’s foreign policy orientations after the Islamic Revolution is a good example. After the Islamic Revolution; Iran, which pursued idealistic and religious policies by embracing the “regime export” statement specially in Middle East; is showing a pragmatic nation-state reflex which refuses religious idealism in its Central Asia policies. The situation reveals that Iran has deep rooted state tradition. This differentiation which results from Iran’s political orientations, makes it possible to locate Iran’s Central Asia policy in realist theory. This article is analyzing the differentiations in Iran’s foreign policy orientations in a theoretical framework by making comparisons.

Türkiye ve İran Uluslararası Sistem Sorgusu Çerçevesinde Bir Araya mı Geliyor?

Author(s): Göktürk Tüysüzoğlu / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2017

Turkey-Iran relations, which have been historically defined with rivalry, have entered a new phase with the visit of Iranian Army Chief of Staff Baqiri to Ankara. The visit shows that two countries will cooperate tactically within the framework of regional affairs. Turkey sees the pro-Western and passive foreign policy approach is not enough to defend its interests and seeks cooperation with alternative actors. In this sense, Russia and Iran are significant. Iran needs to act together with Turkey in order to end its diplomatic loneliness in the region and especially in Iraq and Syria. Russia aims to design international system within context of multipolarity. The cooperation among Russia, Iran and Turkey will create a regional outlook benefiting all three capitals.

Aktör-Merkezli Sosyalleşme ve Batı-Dışı Normatiflik Üzerine Bir İnceleme: Türkiye’nin ŞİÖ Üyeliğini Tartışmak

Author(s): Hüsrev Tabak,Muharrem Doğan / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2017

Socialization research in International Relations is dominated by studies focusing on the structure’s primacy in the socialization process, considering agents as passive recipients of relevant norms, roles and principles. This study elaborates the possibilities of shifting focus in IR research from structure to agent in socialization and of thinking of agents as active adopters of norms and roles other than passive exposees to them in socialization context. The paper moreover discusses the construction of normative alternativities during socialization and raises a critique to the disregard shown to non-Western normativities. The research takes the discussions of Turkey’s willingness to membership to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the relevant political discourses of building it as the normative alternative of Western social environments as a case study.

Türk Dili Konuşan Ülkeler Entegrasyonu: Tarihsel Geçmişi ve Kurumsallaşması

Author(s): Aidarbek Amirbek,Almasbek Anuarbekuly,Kanat Makhanov / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2017

The first turning point of the integration between the Turkic countries was the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Until the demolition of the bipolar world order, the Turkic countries were unable to develop political, economic and cultural relations directly between themselves independently of the global powers (USSR and NATO). Turkey was the first state to recognize the independence of the post-Soviet Turkic countries and pursued foreign policy which aimed the strengthening their sovereignties. Likewise, new Turkic countries have put into practice a foreign policy strategy based on strengthening relations with Turkey. This article tackles the issue of institutionalization of the integration processes among Turkic countries during the period from 1991 to 2016 in the framework of the Turkic Council Summits held at the presidential level.

Çin'in Darfur Politikası

Author(s): Mürsel Bayram / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2017

China maintained a controversial attitude towards the humanitarian crisis in Darfur, which erupted in the western region of Sudan in the early 2000s and caused the death of nearly 300,000 people. It was claimed that the Government of Sudan carried out genocide in Darfur, and China became a party to this genocide by supporting the Government of Sudan in political, military and commercial terms. In the face of those allegations, China underlined the principles of respect for sovereignty and non-intervention in other states’ internal affairs. Darfur has been a milestone for China both to epitomise its approach to international crises and to demonstrate its difference from the Western actors. Hence, this paper aims to analyse what sort of policy China.

ABD – Çin İlişkilerinde Kriz Yönetimi

Author(s): Ersin Dedekoca / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2017

The history of relations between China and United States dating back to the last years of the 18th century. This relationship is not uncommon, even if it is as diverse as in the wake of various wars in the region, the Cultural Revolution and the following transformation in China. When we look at the historical nature of the relationship between the two countries, it is immediately clear that the “commercial” nature is dominant. The size and character of the financial and commercial relations between Beijing and Washington reflects global dimentions. Such relations between them put the two countries into “interdependence” in a dimension that is highly complex and can not be abandoned in the short-medium term. However, this interdependence has given “wear-out” qualities to differences in the context of national security and foreign policy.

BMT-nin Sülh Missiyası və Veto Hüququ Əsas Problem Kimi

Author(s): Ramilə Bəhlul Dadaşova / Language(s): Azerbaijani Issue: 1/2018

The UN, which was established to protect international peace and security after the Second World War, is not properly fulfilling its mission today. The first, right of veto violates the principle of sovereign equality of the states in the United Nations. The second, permanent and temporary members of the UNSC are selected from the regions according to the Cold War period and injustice is clearly seen in this distribution of rights. The third, rapid increase of armament, interest of selling weapons to the conflicting countries don’t allow the UNSC to fulfill its responsibilities. The fourth,inequality between numbers of members of the UNSC and GA is one of the main problems of the UN system.

Rusya-Libya İlişkileri ve Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi'nde Libya'ya Yönelik Askeri Müdahale Tartışmaları Sırasında Rusya'nın Politik Tutumu

Author(s): Cemal Bayat / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2018

In the period which was named as “Arab Spring”, the public insurgencies in the Middle East spread from Tunisia, then to Egypt and then to Libya and threatened the status quos of the settled regimes. These uprisings showed the bloody face of the war after the armament of civilians in Libya too. While possibilities including military intervention were being discussed in the Security Council, Russia defended that the problem in Libya should be solved in peacefully and politically and a military intervention would not provide a permanent solution. In this context, this work touches upon the Russian-Libyan relations’ historical background and analyses the attitude and the arguments of Russia in the discussions made in the Security Council over the resolution drafts on a military intervention towards Libya.

The anatomy of Russia’s grip on Armenia: bound to persist?

Author(s): Aram Terzyan / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2018

The 2018 “Velvet revolution” in Armenia has engendered a bunch of unanswered questions regarding both its domestic as well as foreign policy implications. Given the newly-elected prime minister’s critical stances on Armenia’s plight in the Russia-led unions, it is easy to resort to speculations about possible foreign policy changes. This study analyses the anatomy of Russia’s powerful grip on Armenia, with a focus on country’s huge economic dependence on Russia, the “frozen” Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, as well as Kremlin’s traditional special ties with Armenian incumbents. Even though a breakthrough on reducing the enormous asymmetry in Armenian-Russian relations is unlikely anytime soon, owing to its vast legitimacy the new Armenian government may well reinforce its agency. That said, in theory it has an opportunity to cut back the heavy reliance on Kremlin’s overwhelming political and economic support and somewhat rectify its compliant foreign policy behavior. Yet, further research is essential for in-depth analysis of ruling elite’s interactions with Kremlin.

CONCEPTION OF INTERMARIUM IN POLISH FOREIGN POLICY IN XXI CENTURY

Author(s): Natalia Tomaszewska,Adam Starzyk / Language(s): English Issue: 10/2017

Poland interests and her policy are strongly determined by her geopolitical conditions. More than 40 years of people democracy under USSR domination brings in whole region civilization and economic backwardness. After 1989 Poland attempts to “catch up” the Old Europe. Initiative of Three Seas is one of such attempt. Increasing relations with central and southern Europe especially in case of diversification of raw materials – like gas – can bring to region an independence from Russian supplies. Three Seas goes back to conception of Intermarium, and redefine her on amended conditions of modern world. In this article the Authors will present short history of conception Intermarium, main assumptions of polish foreign policy and will try to answer the question is this conception is still present in polish foreign policy, even if in changed form of Three Seas.

EU – A STRONGER GLOBAL ACTOR: NEW CONTEXTS FOR EU-KOREAN RELATIONS

Author(s): Hak Je YU,Cornelia-Alexandra Lincan,Elena-Adina VOICILĂ / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2018

European Union (EU) is currently confronting a series of challenges to its internal dynamics as well as its position on the international arena. However, EU continues to rely on its normative power in order to influence international order and build on its image as a strong global order. Our research therefore aims to contribute to the debate on the concept of Normative Power Europe, by analysing EU-Korea relations. In this manner, the framework emphasizes EU’s role as a global actor, in three main areas of interest for both strategic partners: economy and trade, development cooperation, peace and security. As such, the main findings revolve around maintaining a sound cooperation in the three areas analysed – and reflect, on one side, a strengthening of the “global actor” main trait of the EU, and on the other side, a consolidation of Korea’s position in world politics.

İran Dış Politikasında Yumuşak Güç Kullanımı: Kültür ve Dil

Author(s): Şamil Öçal / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2018

The cultural environment of a country affects its domestic as well as the foreign policy. As a matter of fact, since the revolution in 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran has attached considerable importance to culture and cultural promotion and propaganda in its foreign policy. In this context, Iran has utilised its culture and language as a soft power apparatus in its foreign policy. This article will deliberate on the place of culture as an element of soft power in Iran's foreign policy while examining the cultural diplomacy activities implemented after the Islamic Revolution.

The Problems of Power’s Definitions in International Relations

Author(s): Anes Hassan Hameed / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2018

In this article, the reasons of disagreements on the definition of power in international relations will be examined. There are many different definitions for this phenomenon. The article argues that there are two main reasons behind the differences in the definitions. One of them is due to the differences between languages and the effects of metaphors that are used to characterize this concept. While these metaphors carry more than one meaning in a language, they also tend to completely differ in essence. The other reason is the reflection of ideology and theorists’ thoughts on their own concept of power.

Kırgız Cumhuriyeti ve İran İslam Cumhuriyeti’nin 1992-2018 Yılları Arasındaki İlişkileri

Author(s): Asan Ormuşev,Abdrasul İsakov / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2018

Kyrgyzstan-Iran relations have been developing steadily since 1992. It is known that the relations between Kyrgyzstan and Iran have developed within the framework of mutual understanding in the international arena and the relations between parliaments are continuing. Although the relations between the two states are not at the level of strategic partnership, they are spread over various areas. It can be said that Bishkek-Tehran relations developed better in the fields of education, culture and trade.