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The author presents the specific elements of diplomatic and consular work in the South Pacific region from the perspective of a career diplomat. He shows the main geographical and political characteristics of Australia which influence consular activity and also the characteristics of the beneficiaries of consular services who need to be served by the consular infrastructure. The study presents several models for undertaking Hungarian consular work and for organizing the Hungarian consular network in Australia. The author also outlines current inconsistencies in the regulations applicable to consular activity in Australia under domestic, international, and Hungarian norms as well as functional issues and the possible ways to correct them. In his conclusions, the author formulates proposals for the redesign of consular organization in Australia.
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As a result of the first free and democratic elections in Hungary, in May 1990, József Antall formed a government, whose foreign policy goal was the restoration of the sovereignty of Hungary and the support and representation of the Euro-Atlantic integration and of the Hungarians across the border. In the Hungarian–Czechoslovak bilateral relations, the new Hungarian government’s aim was to expand the political relations in both federal and republican levels. It was Hungary’s interest that serious legacies, such as the issue of the Bős–Nagymaros Dam system, should not hold back the general advance, wherefore a solution appropriate for both parties had to be found. Hungary considered Czechoslovakia as an outstanding economic partner. The Antall government took steps so that the fate and future of the Slovakian Hungarians would be ensured in accordance with the European development standards. One of the key issues in this was the consistent Czechoslovak condemnation of the principle of collective guilt, the Beneš decrees. During the dialogues, certain elements of the common historical past returned several times.
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America’s unipolar balance of power created after the end of the Cold War is inevitably coming to an end. The dynamic economic growth of the People’s Republic of China, lasting uninterruptedly since the 1980s, the reconstruction of spheres of influence by the Russian Federation, the world war on terrorism with the accompanying costly wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, economic crises systematically weakening the economies of Western countries in 2001, 2007 and 2020, and the COVID-19 pandemic – these are just some of the many causes of geopolitical changes. Parallel to the weakening position of the United States, countries such as the Russian Federation are increasingly boldly challenging the current balance of power, provoking armed conflicts and destabilizing countries located in Central and Eastern Europe. The purpose of this article is to present the American Multi-Domain Operation concept as a response to the Russian concept of new generation warfare by which the country successfully led to the annexation of Crimea, the war in Donbas, and the political destabilization of Ukraine. The main research problem resulting from the assumed goal was to answer the following question: what is a Multi-Domain Operation and how do the United States intend to compete and win in the armed conflict taking place in Central and Eastern Europe with the Russian Federation? The following research methods were used to solve the research problems: the method of cause-effect and institutional-legal analysis, method of examining documents, and the method of analysis and criticism of literature. The monographic and comparative methods were also used. However, the main role was played by deductive reasoning which enables the identification of facts based on an in-depth analysis of source data. Taking into account the preliminary research, the author proposed the following research hypothesis: a Multi-Domain Operation is another American operational concept describing the security environment, and the Russian and American way of war. The USA will achieve victory in a possible armed conflict by locating and neutralizing the enemy’s anti-access – area denial capabilities, and then destroying its forces in the disputed area.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the use of the early warning mechanism in non-governmental organisations on the example of the International Crisis Group, which is a leading entity in respect of that matter. For the purposes of the study, the author verifies the hypothesis that the mechanisms developed in the International Crisis Group are effective, and the forecasts are useful for the needs of decision-makers. It is supported by the fact that non-governmental organisations shape desired attitudes and decisions taken by the international community regarding the prevention and resolution of conflicts. Several questions were posed in this research: (1) what is the nature of early warning mechanisms? (2) what distinguishes early warning systems in international organizations? (3) what is the effectiveness of early warning mechanisms? (4) how is the International Crisis Group’s early warning mechanism used? The case study method was used to verify the research hypothesis, while the main technique is the analysis of the state of the scholar literature and the content of appropriate documents.
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The aim of the article is to present the possibilities that qualitative classifications of industries and goods introduce to the analysis of structural changes in the economy, as well as to assess changes in the international competitiveness of Polish merchandise trade in the long term. The article presents a review of the literature and the results of authors’ own research on the structure of Polish merchandise trade. The study uses Lall’s classification of goods which is relatively innovative and rarely used in the existing literature. By using this classification and the analysis of revealed comparative advantages (RCA) we also managed to assess the competitiveness of Polish exports. The research shows that since Poland’s accession to the European Union, the international competitiveness of Polish trade in terms of its technological level has changed only slightly. After the growth in the first years of Poland’s EU membership, the share of high technology products in the export structure stagnated in the 2010s and was still lower than that of medium or low technology products. Throughout the researched period, the RCA for high-tech products remained on the “foreign” side.
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Poland and Ukraine and to substantiate on its basis the priority areas of further mutually beneficial cooperation built on the principles of complementarity and strategic partnership. The authors of the article applied a comprehensive approach to the analysis of bilateral trade relations between Poland and Ukraine, in particular, the Trade Complementarity Index (CI) and the Revealed Comparative Advantage Index (RCA) were used in the analysis. The statistical data of the State Statistics Service (Ukraine), WTO, Ministerstwo rozwoju i tekhnologii (Poland) and Główny Urząd Statystyczny (Poland) were the sources for the calculations. The trends in the development of bilateral trade relations between Poland and Ukraine were analyzed on the basis of statistical information. The main prerequisites that form the basis of mutually beneficial Polish-Ukrainian economic cooperation have been identified. It is proposed to use a complex methodical approach in the process of analyzing the complementarity of bilateral relations, in particular through the use of the complementarity index and the index of revealed comparative advantages. The dynamics and product structure of export-import trade between Poland and Ukraine are analyzed. The main differences between the structure of Polish imports to Ukraine and Ukrainian exports to Poland have been revealed. A conclusion was made about the high level of optimality and balance of bilateral relations, the existence of mutual dependence both in terms of imports and exports. The conducted analysis proved the fact that trade between Poland and Ukraine is symmetrical and equal, which makes trade relations mutually attractive. Indicators of revealed comparative advantages within the framework of bilateral cooperationbetween Poland and Ukraine were calculated. Calculations showed that Ukraine has the highest comparative advantages in foreign trade in such goods as ferrous metals, ores, slag and ashes, fats and oils of vegetable or animal origin, furniture, wood and wood products, edible fruits and nuts. Instead, Poland achieves the highest level of comparative advantages in the supply to the Ukrainian market of ground transport means (except railways), plastics and polymer materials, nuclear reactors, boilers and machines, fertilizers, mineral fuels, products of oil distillation, printing products, rubber and rubber products, electric machines and equipment. The economic, organizational and institutional components of the perspectivemodel and priorities for the development of bilateral Polish-Ukrainian trade relations in the conditions of сurrent global challenges are substantiated. The most important strategic priorities for the development of foreign trade relations between Poland and Ukraine in the near future are proposed, namely: creation of a system for monitoring the complementarity of bilateral foreign trade relations between Poland and Ukraine; implementation and comprehensive support of interstate agreements on the development of mutually beneficial trade in complementary goods, including on a barter basis; supporting the development of complementary exports and imports in the sectors of small and medium-sized business, smallscale production, in particular on the basis of production cooperation; support of complementary foreign trade relations not only at the level of industries, but also of individual regions of Poland and Ukraine, in particular within the framework of cross-border cooperation; further improvement of the system of consulting support for exporters in Poland and Ukraine, assistance in entering foreign markets and in the process of searching foreign partners. It was concluded that the development of complementary trade relations should be transformed into joint projects of Polish-Ukrainian production cooperation with the aim of joint production and supply of competitive products and services to the domestic and global markets.
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The United States of America (USA) has consolidated its own side and people by positioning the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) as the “other”. Later, with the September 11 attacks, USA positioned “Global Terror” as the new “other”. Then China became stronger and wanted to challenge the global Western hegemony, became a new “enemy” for the USA. After that new global competition started. Containment policy of the USA has also added a regional framework to the competition. Because, in the competition’s regional perspective, Australia, which is involved in Western alliances, plays a very important role and has a critical importance in the US containment policy against China.
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