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Balkan 2021: Who jeopardizes Balkans?

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

It will be recorded in the history of international relations that all countries of the Balkans peninsula, starting from Slovenia to Bulgaria had or have officially applied for membership in the EU and NATO, except for Serbia which has declared military neutrality, but is still a candidate for membership in the EU. Throughout the history, by means of public or secret agreements, international conferences, particularly in the case of the ending the two world wars, as well as the local wars in the Balkans and broader region, the major powers have always brokered agreements on their respective spheres of influences, which as a rule, did not respect the wills of those affected the most by such agreements- the states and peoples of the Balkans.

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2020 United States of America: Foreign Policy of the New US Administration for Europe, Middle East and Western Balkans

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Joseph Biden (D) is a veteran of the political scene in the United States of America. Over half a century he held senior positions in the American political life starting from the Senate all the way to the position of the US Vice President, for two mandates (2009- 2017). According to still unofficial results, Biden won the American presidential elections, held on 3 November 2020 and will become the 46th US President. After two unsuccessful attempts of candidacy for the US presidential elections in 1988 and 2008, in November 2020, Biden crowned his long journey to the top of the political pyramid with the victory against President Donald Trump (R). Biden's victory, which marks a historical milestone for the US and the world, comes after four years of presidential mandate of Donald Trump, which was filled with political conflicts and confusion.

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2020 Belarus: Belarus between EU imperialism and Russian occupation

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English,Russian

In the Republic of Belarus, presidential elections were held on 9 August 2020. The current President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko is the winner of the presidential elections at which he won 80.23% of the votes. The turnout at the elections was 84.23%. However, the opposition candidates expressed their discontent over the results of the elections. Particularly, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, who won 10.09% of the votes. Immediately after the closing of the polling stations, citizens started the protests in order to express their discontent over the just held elections and the election results. The opposition went so far in its stances that it alleged that the opposition candidate Tikhanovskaya had won 80%, and Lukashenko only 10% of the votes. Analysts believe that while the just held elections were not ideal, had some shortcomings and could have been conducted in different atmosphere and conditions, an inverse election result is practically impossible bearing in mind the organization of Belarus, its political modus operandi and the sentiments of the electorate.

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What will the future look like?

Author(s): Corneliu Pivariu / Language(s): English

A question that arises on each occasion when unexpected challenges confront a community, a country and now an entire planet. The world is in the midst of a deep existential crisis triggered imperceptibly when the bipolar world ceased to exist and the march of globalisation advanced, once that the political class has declined worldwide and it is no longer capable at finding the most appropriate solutions for the future evolution of mankind (at least in what it demonstrated since some time, and notably now).

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2020 Western Balkans: Attempt at repeating history

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

After an 18 month suspension the dialogue between official Belgrade and Priština was renewed on 16 July 2020. Simultaneously with the renewal of dialogue, which is headed by Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić (SNS) and Kosovo Prime Minister Avdullah Hoti (LDK), begun the renewed engagement of expert teams of the parties to the dialogue, which had already held several meetings. The Kosovo President Hashim Thaçi (PDK) is no longer a part of the dialogue. Namely, he has been indicted before the special court for war crimes committed at Kosovo (KSC-SPO – Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor's Office).

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Parliamentary elections in North Macedonia 2020: Membership in NATO is the Country’s Historic Success

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

The early parliamentary elections in the Republic of North Macedonia will be held on 15 July 2020. Based on the system of proportionality, a little less than 1.8 million voters will have the right to vote for the Macedonian parliament (Sobranie), which has 120 seats. The leading parties at the upcoming elections will be the SDSM (the ruling social-democrat party), VMRO-DPMNE (conservative opposition), the Democratic Union for Integration (DUI – ethnic Albanian party in the ruling coalition), the Alliance for Albanians (ASH – ethnic Albanian opposition party), and political parties of ethnic minorities such as Turks, Roma, Bosniaks, Serbs and others, which are traditionally represented in the Macedonian parliament.

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Natural Disasters as Detonators of Sociopolitical Change: Bosnia-Herzegovina 2014-2020

Author(s): Nedžad Korajlić,Amer Smailbegović / Language(s): English

The report ifs briefly summarizing the potential of natural disaster to initiate a required social and political change in a divided society, when other methods of integration and resolution have proven ineffective. By comparing the Balkan floods of 2014 with the current COVID-19 pandemic, it is possible to observe certain changes in the posture of the former-Yugoslavian countries and their collaboration by using the last vestiges of once-robust civil-defense (and general national defense / protection) of the former Yugoslavia. The current response is adequate, but the lengthy period of stagnation, decentralization and unresolved issues stemming from the Yugoslav conflict have left considerable present-day challenges. Similarly there were missed opportunities for improving collaboration and crisis management in the aftermath of the 2014 flooding event. The current crisis presents new management opportunities to overcome the problems and evolve the legacy solutions in the time of crisis. The reader is cautioned that this is an evolving situation, and some of the events described within, are bound to change rapidly, hence this communiqué should be considered as a snapshot in time during the pandemic-response in the Western Balkans in the second half of March, 2020.

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US Military Bases in Romania and Bulgaria and Their Possible Implications on Regional Security

Author(s): Saffet Akkaya / Language(s): English

It is evident that, almost two decades passed after the end of cold war period, and the world is divided into two main camps to name; the Centre and the Periphery. At the beginning of this article, it may be useful to look at the position of the states like Bulgaria and Romania from a broader perspective, which once were the members of the periphery in the Communist Block. Throughout the new reformation and restructuring phases of the global age, new world order has dictated certain unnamed rules that are vital for the future of global order and mankind. Current world order is completely different and the political, geographical or cultural principles of the cold-war era to classify the states into different groups are not relevant anymore. Description of south, north, west, second world, and third world has changed dramatically. Centre is composed of economically and militarily strong states, basically the representatives of hegemonic liberalism, no matter at which geographic location they occupy on the planet. On the other hand, Periphery is made by the states who were once the members of Second (communist block) or Third Worlds and some other states that are excluded from the centre for cultural, religious or ideological reasons. Now, there is a struggle among the peripheral states, trying to be a member of centre at all costs. The expansion of NATO and EU towards east to the expense of old Soviet territories in general and Russia in particular, need to be evaluated through the principles of a broader security perception.

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Seminar on Security Policy for Bosnia and Herzegovina Sarajevo, 16 - 17 July 2001

Author(s): . Miscellaneous / Language(s): English

Significant progress has been achieved since the signing the Dayton Peace Agreement. Today, peace and stability prevail throughout Bosnia-Herzegovina; co-operation between Bosnia’s three constituent communities - Bosniacs, Croats and Serbs - has been increasing; Bosnia’s war-damaged infrastructure has to a large extent been repaired; many of Bosnia’s refugees have returned to the homes they had occupied prior to the war, and; the country’s economy has been steadily returning back on course. Much, however, remains to be done in Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to secure a peaceful and stable future for the country. One of the most pressing tasks that stand ahead is the establishment of a state security policy for the country.

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Round Table on Democratic Control of Armed Forces: The Role of Parliament, Academia, and the Media

Author(s): Bisera Turković,Željko Mirjanić,George Katsirdakis,Marko Amidžić,Marie Vlachova,Bernd Papenkort,Duško Vejnović,Izet Beridan,Antonio Prlenda,Radomir Nešković,Nerzuk Ćurak / Language(s): English

Ladies and Gentlemen: At the beginning I would like to wish a warm welcome to everybody present at today's seminar. I would especially like to express gratitude to George Katsirdakis, Deputy Director of the NATO Defence Partnership and Co-operation Directorate, who is a person of great importance for BiH on the road to membership in the Partnership for Peace. Today with us are representatives from the BiH Parliamentary Assembly - Mr. Zeljko Mirjanic, Deputy Chairman of the House of Representatives; and I would also like to cordially greet the representatives from the entity parliaments. At the same time, I would like to express gratitude to General Bernd Papenkort from the Clausewitz Centre and the professors from the Universities of Sarajevo and Banja Luka who have given up their time to be with us today. I shall not take much of your time, but during the opening of this seminar I would like to explain the significance of this event and why we decided to organise it. The seminar is concerned with the role of parliament, academia and the media in the democratic control of the armed forces. In order for BiH to become a member of the PfP, which is our true intention, among other factors at a state level the country must secure democratic parliamentary control of the armed forces. Democratic control is a necessary condition for acceptance into the Partnership for Peace.

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Seminar - Ekonomski aspekti sigurnosti (2003)

Author(s): Bisera Turković,Claudio Zappulla,Mirsad Ćeman,Pierpaolo Tempesta,Heinz Vetschera,Vladimir Matek,Izet Žigić,Slavko Žmarić,Jiri Kalasnikov,Richard Temsch,Emina Kečo-Isaković,Almir Džuvo,Huso Hadžidedić,Mladen Staničić,Branislav Milinković,Marcin Święcicki,Moises Venancio,David R. Nicholas,Nedžad Hadžimusić / Language(s): Bosnian

Uvaženi ambasadori, dame i gospodo, Zadovoljstvo mi je što vam mogu poželjeti dobrodošlicu na seminar u Trstu pod nazivom ¨Ekonomski aspekti sigurnosti¨. Posebnu zahvalnost želim uputiti našem domaćinu Generalu Zappulli na čiju je inicijativu ovaj seminar i organizovan. Sa nama su danas predstavnici OSCE-a, predstavnici zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti BiH, kao i uvaženi eksperti iz ekonomske i sigurnosne oblasti. Posebno zadovoljstvo i čast mi je pozdraviti ambasadora Bosne i Hercegovine u Italiji gosp. Lukšu Šoljana. U svom uvodnom obraćanju željela bih objasniti značaj i motiv organizovanja ovog seminara. Prije svega, željela bih naglasiti da je cilj Aneksa 1B Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma podsticanje povjerenja i transparentnosti između BiH (entiteta), Republike Hrvatske i Srbije i Crne Gore. Dosadašnje percepcije bile su usmjerene na vojnu prijetnju kao osnovni oblik nesigurnosti. Međutim, u kontekstu novog sigurnosnog ozračja vojna prijetnja se ne bi mogla smatrati osnovnom opasnošću po državu i društvo, već je tu poziciju sada zauzela ekonomska nesigurnost. Smatram da snažna ekonomija, ekonomija koja je u stanju prevazići sve prepreke sa kojima se suočava, u velikoj mjeri utiče na izgradnju mjera povjerenja, kao osnovne svrhe člana II Aneksa 1B Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma.

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Needs Assessment on Small Arms and Light Weapons in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Denis Hadžović,Amel Kadić,Armin Kržalić,Dragana Lažetić,Arnel Šahurić / Language(s): English

Following the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), the issue of arms control, their export, and import, destruction of the surplus, and transparent control over this process, has become a highly sensitive issue. The global accumulation of illicit SALW during the past decade has contributed to tremendous human suffering. Without appropriate disarmament-involving the collection of residual small arms and the storage of state-owned weapons in protected areas-programmes for national rehabilitation cannot be sustained. The resulting crime and violence have disastrous effects on the ability of affected countries to implement their nati-onal development programmes. Vital infrastructure needed for development projects is damaged by illicit armsrelated insecurity, while foreign-funded development projects must be cancelled or postponed to prevent the assets from being diverted toward criminal activities. Countries must also allocate large portions of their already limited resources to security measures, thereby decreasing the funds available for development. All these consequences present fundamental obstacles to sustainable human development. Experience however has shown that these dynamics of insecurity can be broken through a set of approaches that simultaneously target weapons availability, the general knowledge about the seriousness and dangers of weapons use as well as state capacity to tackle the issue. Not only that these weapons are obvious threat to individual human lives, but also excessive quantities of weapons in the country do represent a significant source of insecurity. They are not only a direct threat to lives but they are increasingly used in criminal activities and their proliferation is a deterrent to the return of refugees to their homes. Moreover, these arms are a threat to the ongoing peace process.

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Security Sector Reform and Media in BiH - The Way Ahead to Security Sector Good Governance

Author(s): Mariangela Fittipaldi / Language(s): English

The Security Sector Reform (SSR) in BiH is proving to be a major step forward in the institutional building process. Although an ongoing development, it has recently been characterized by some important improvements, especially as far as the adoption of the new Defence Law is concerned. In order to foster changes towards security sector good governance, the role played by the main civil society sections in monitoring the reform is crucial. Thus, the forthcoming years will be particularly important with regard to the extent to which media, representatives of civil society, centres of research, and NGOs will be able to participate in the process and constantly monitor the changes in the security landscape of the country. In particular, media play a vital role in providing an essential link between civil society and government. This is even more necessary with regard to security, the supply of this public good being an essential pre-condition to economic and political development. When media are independent, regulated and developed, the effectiveness of the cited role is more likely to come into force. Consequently, the absence of these conditions would seriously impair the possibility for media to function like a «watchdog» with regard to decision-making and policies adopted. On the other hand, the model of good governance of the security sector assumes a wider participation of civil society in the evolution of the security sector. This implies that several efforts have to be undertaken in order to keep the public informed on security issues. Therefore, a full participation of media in the SSR process would contribute to make the international and local institutions in charge of defence and security matters accountable and transparent toward the public. This report analyses media's coverage of security issues in BiH. Through an assessment of the complex relationship between media and the security sector in the country, the openness of the security sector itself will be taken into account. The ultimate aim of this study is to evaluate the pace to a good governance of the security sector for BiH. The report will use two important guidelines for enquiries. On the one hand, the extent to which the security institutions in BiH are accountable, open and responsible to media will be evaluated. The issue will be considered of primary concern since a substantial part of the relation at stake depends on the structure of the security sector. The research will further focus on the extent to which media are open to security institutions and specialized in dealing with security issues, the obstacles to quality journalism and capacity to report on security-related issues being one of the central aspects of media relation to security. Finally, the report will be partly based on the theoretical model of security governance, which assumes an increasing interaction between media and the state. Although many changes have taken place in the organisation of the security sectors of the most advanced democracies, a full media involvement is far from being reached since the extent of participation is dependent on both structural and contingent limits entailing the model itself.

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Reforma sigurnosnog sektora i mediji u BiH - Put ka uspješnom upravljanju sigurnosnim sektorom

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bosnian

Reforma sigurnosnog sektora (RSS) predstavlja veliki korak naprijed u procesu institucionalne izgradnje. Trenutni razvoj okarakterisan je poboljšanjima, barem kada je riječ o usvajanju novog Zakona o odbrani. S ciljem usvajanja promjena koje se tiču dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom, uloga koju ima civilno društvo u praćenju reformi je od krucijalnog značaja. Osim toga, godine koje slijede biće izuzetno značajne s obzirom na stupanj u kojem će mediji, predstavnici civilnog društva, istraživački centri i NVO-e biti u biti u mogućnosti da učestvuju i konstantno prate promjene u procesu koji se tiče sigurnosnih pitanja u zemlji. Poseban značaj u osiguravanju veze između civilnog društva i vlade imaju mediji. Njihova je uloga još značajnija kad je riječ o sigurnosti, jer obezbjeđivanje tog opšteg dobra jeste osnovni preduslov za ekonomski i politički razvoj. Kada su mediji nezavisni, regulisani i razvijeni, efektivost navedene uloge tada je potpuna. U protivnom, nedostatak ovih uslova može ozbiljno ugroziti mogućnost medija da funkcioniraju kao «nadzornici» u pogledu donošenja i usvajanja odluka. Sa druge strane, model dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom podrazumijeva veće učešće civilnog društva u nastajanju sigurnosnog sektora. Ovo ukazuje na potrebu poduzimanja određenih koraka da bi se osigurala informisanost javnosti u pogledu sigurnosnih pitanja. Prema tome, potpuno učešće medija u procesu reforme sigurnosnog sektora doprinjet će stvaranju međunarodnih i lokalnih institucija zaduženih za pitanja odbrane i sigurnosti, a koje bi bile transparentne i dostupne javnosti. Ovaj izvještaj analizira medijsku pokrivenost sigurnosnih pitanja u BiH. Kroz uspostavljanje složene veze između medija i sigurnosnog sektora u zemlji, bila bi uzeta u obzir otvorenost sigurnosnog sektora kao takvog. Glavni cilj ove studije je evaluacija napretka dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom u BiH. U izvještaju su korištene dvije važne vodilje za istraživanje. Sa jedne strane, biće evaluiran stepen zastupljenosti sigurnosnih institucija u BiH, odnosno koliko su otvorene i odgovorne prema medijima. Ovo pitanje se razmatra kao primarno s obzirom na stvarno učešće u relaciji i strukturi sigurnosnog sektora. Izvještaj će se nadalje fokusirati na stepen otvorenosti medija za sigurnosne institucije i stručnost medija kada su u pitanju sigurnosne teme, te na ograničenja kvalitetnog novinarstva i mogućnost izvještavanja o temama u vezi sa sigurnosti, kao jednog od glavnih aspekata odnosa medija prema sigurnosti. Na kraju, izvještaj će biti djelomično baziran na teoretskom modelu sigurnosnog upravljanja, koji podrazumijeva pojačanu saradnju između medija i države. Premda su se desile mnoge promjene u organizacijama sigurnosnog sektora u najnaprednijim demokratijama, potpuno učešće medija još nije postignuto, s obzirom da stepen učešća zavisi i o strukturalnim i o mogućim ograničenjima.

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The Office of the High Representative and Security Sector Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): English

In the after-math of conflict, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) made significant progress in the development and sustainment of a peaceful environment; a progress that can be indicated, amongst others, with the establishment of state-level institutions in the field of security. Their inception represents, firstly, a conflict-prevention element and secondly a vital instrument that can be utilised towards Euro-Atlantic integrations. To that end, immeasurable support has been provided by the international community, primarily through the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in BiH, an ad hoc institutions that were established to overlook the implementation of the civil component of the Dayton Peace Accords. With the efforts of the OHR and international community, BiH has executed one of the most successful reforms of the judicial system in the region. It has also seen the establishment of a unified armed force and intelligence-security agency, a state protection and a investigation agency, state border police, customs control and the state court. All of these institutions were established either following a direct legislative instruction or indirect pressure from the OHR operating under a quest to reach a compromise between the ruling political actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With these accomplishments in mind, the intention of the author was to offer practitioners and academics who deal with peacebuilding a modest contribution in view of supporting the further development of these processes, and present an insight into the OHR experience gained during the implementing period of these reforms and peacebuilding in BiH, with particular focus on security sector reform. I would like to use this opportunity to express my gratitude to the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) on their financial support of this research, as well as to the staff of the Centre for Security Studies, Mr. Armin Krzalic, Mr. Jasmin Ramovic, Ms. Sanja Mihajlovic, Ms. Lana Tancica and Ms. Andrea Tefterdarija, who worked in the capacity of a junior professional during the period of the research, on their invaluable contributions. Our gratitude is also extended to everyone who directly or indirectly contributed to the implementation of the research, either through interviews or literature that was used for the needs of the research, and library of PSOTC – Peace Support Operations Training Centre Sarajevo. We sincerely hope this research, which also encompassing a local perspective, will serve as a contribution to discussions regarding peacebuilding and security sector reform in post-conflict societies.

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Ured visokog predstavnika i reforma sigurnosnog sektora u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): Bosnian

U post-ratnom periodu Bosna i Hercegovina je ostvarila značajan napredak u procesu izgradnje mira koji se, između ostalog, ogleda i u uspostavljanju državnih institucija u oblasti sigurnosti. Njihovo osnivanje predstavlja bitan doprinos smanjenu mogućnosti izbijanja ponovnog sukoba u BiH i pomoć na njenom putu integracije u euro-atlanske strukture. Nemjerljiv doprinos ovim ostvarenjima pružila je međunarodna zajednica, prvenstveno djelovanjem kroz Ured visokog predstavnika (OHR) u BiH, ad hoc institucije uspostavljene da nadgleda implementaciju civilnog dijela Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Zahvaljujući naporima OHR-a i međunarodne zajednice Bosna i Hercegovina provodi jednu od najuspješnijih reformi pravosudnog sistema u regionu i uspostavila je jedinstvene oružane snage, obavještajno sigurnosnu agenciju, graničnu službu, državnu agenciju za istraživanje i zaštitu, carinsku službu i državni sud. Ove institucije uspostavljene su ili zakonima nametnutim direktno od strane OHR-a ili indirektno, uz njegov permanentan pritisak, koji je u krajnjoj instanci vodio do kompromisa među političkim akterima u Bosni i Hercegovini. Imajući ove činjenice u vidu, namjera autora bila je da ovim istraživanjem ponudi svoj skromni doprinos praktičarima i akademskim djelatnicima koji se bave pitanjima izgradnje mira u svijetu. Jedan od primarnih ciljeva ponuđenog istraživanja je da podrži daljnji razvoj ovih procesa, te pruži uvid u iskustvo OHR-a stečeno tokom prvođenja aktivnosti na izgradnji mira u BiH, sa posebnim osvrtom na reformu sigurnosnog sektora. Ovom prilikom želim iskazati posebnu zahvalnost Ženevskom centru za demokratski nadzor oružanih snaga (DCAF) na finansijskoj podršci koja je omogućila realizaciju ovog istraživanja, kao i osoblju Centra za sigurnosne studije, Arminu Kržaliću, Jasminu Ramoviću, Sanji Mihajlović, Lani Tančici i Andrei Teftedariji koja je u tom periodu stažirala u Centru, za njihov nemjerljiv doprinos na izradi ovog istraživanja. Ujedno bih se zahvalio i svima onima koji su na direktan ili indirektan način doprinijeli provođenju istraživanja, bilo putem intervuisanja, bilo putem autorskog rada na literaturi koja je korištena za potrebe istraživanja, kao i biblioteci Centra za obuku za operacije potpore miru u Sarajevu (PSOTC – Peace Support Operations Training Centre). Nadamo se da će predočeno istraživanja, koje ujedno predstavlja i pogled iz perspektive lokalnih aktera, ostvariti svoju svrhu te pružiti doprinos raspravama koje se vode po pitanjima izgradnje mira u svijetu i reformi sigurnosnog sektora u post-konfliktnim društvima.

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Inicijativa za borbu protiv teškog kriminala na Zapadnom Balkanu (WBCSCi) u kontekstu Integrisanog upravljanja unutrašnjom sigurnosti (IISG): Prepreke implementacije u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Angela Aiello,Denis Hadžović / Language(s): Bosnian

Geografski položaj Zapadnog Balkana predstavlja pogodno područje za širenje kriminalnih mreža. Pramda su regionalni lideri svjesni promjenjivog kriminalnog okruženja u Europi, i dalje postoje značajni nedostaci u regionalnoj saradnji u ovoj oblasti. Integrisano upravljanje područjem unutrašnje sigurnosti predstavlja okvir za koordinaciju politika, osmišljen da podstiče prekograničnu saradnju u regionu i omogu i zemljama Zapadnog Balkana da se odopru izazovima unutrašnje sigurnosti u dugoročnoj i samoodrživoj perspektivi. Bosna i Hercegovina je učestvovala u predmetnoj inicijativi i obavezala se provesti ključne prioritete kako bi omogu ila agencijama za proveđenje zakona da se kvalitetnije prilagode promjenjivoj prirodi ove značajne prijetnje. Međutim, funkcionalnost u sistemu za provođenje zakona i dalje predstavlja ozbiljnu prepreku. Veoma rascjepkan sektor za provođenje zakona i dalje onemogu ava BiH da otkrije, istraži i krivično procesuira slučajeve teškog i organizovanog kriminala, koji prvenstveno ugrožavaju ljudsku sigurnost. U svjetlu integracijskih ciljeva zemlje, vlasti u BiH bi trebale ponovo otvoriti raspravu o strukturnim reformama, počevši od ozbiljne i stručne debate o reformi policije. Time bi se omogu ilo da Bosna i Hercegovina konstruktivno učestvuje u regionalnim inicijativama, ispunjava kriterije za članstvo u EU i ujedno poboljšava sigurnost svojih građana.

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Uncharted Waters: The BRICS Expansion and Implications

Author(s): Ana-Maria Skaricic / Language(s): English

At the 15th BRICS summit in August 2023, the BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) announced plans to expand their membership by inviting six nations to join as official members. This move means that when Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, join the bloc with full membership in January 2024, BRICS will represent about 46.5% of the global population and about a third of the global GDP. The expansion will likely aid BRICS’ legitimacy as a representative and inclusive institution. However, it also makes an organisation that has already been criticised for being a varied, miscellaneous collection of member-states, even more heterogeneous, adding new regional dynamics, political governance structures, development stages, and economic specialisations to the mix. The expansion thus has considerable implications for the governance, efficacy, and character of BRICS as an international institution.

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Deepening and Expanding the Scope of the Commission’s Reporting of Developments in the “Functioning of Democratic Institutions” in WB6

Author(s): Strahinja Subotić,Đorđe Dimitrov / Language(s): English

This paper is an integral component of a broader initiative aimed at enhancing the Commission’s assessments within the “Functioning of Democratic Institutions” (FoDI) subarea. It builds upon prior work identifying the inconsistencies present in the Commission’s reporting on the Western Balkans (WB6) while also proposing methods to quantify the findings by cross-analysing the most renowned international democracy indexes. This paper goes further, as its primary objective is to identify and advocate for the introduction and integration of additional essential policy elements into the Commission’s reporting within the FoDI domain. Doing so would result in the deepening and expansion of the Commission’s reporting and assessment scope, thus providing a platform for a more detailed, precise, and realistic evaluation of the state of affairs on the ground. Such a comprehensive and in-depth examination is essential for fostering a deeper understanding of the challenges, strengths, and dynamics of democratic institutions within the assessed region, but also as a contribution towards increasing the overall credibility of the Commission’s reports.

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Analiza - Činjenice o sankcijama Bosne i Hercegovine prema Ruskoj Federaciji

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): Bosnian

Politička saga koja traje već skoro godinu dana, posebno između vlasti i opozicije u entitetu Republika Srpska, u pogledu uvođenja ili neuvođenja sankcija Ruskoj Federaciji, poprima zaista začuđujuće razmjere. Kada tome pridodamo i stavove pojedinih ambasadora akreditovanih u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) ili zvaničnika iz Brisela, građani s pravom ostaju u nedoumici kojim argumentima da se priklone. Pomalo zbunjujuća je i nezainteresovanost političkih aktera u entitetu Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine, koji ovoj temi ne pridaju veliki značaj te samo u rijetkim izjavama pojedinaca još više doprinose konfuziji u odnosu na ovo izuzetno važno vanjskopolitičko pitanje integracije BiH u Evropsku uniju (EU). Najpozvanija institucija da pruži odgovor na prethodnu dilemu je svakako Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova BiH, ali iz nekog razloga ista se zaobilazi i odgovori se traţe na drugim stranama. Ili se, pak, nude interpretacije koje zadovoljavaju partikularne interese političkih partija i njihovih glasača. Nedavno je, čak, jedna politička stranka saopštila da je poslala upit u EU, kako bi potvrdu svojih stavova dobila direktno od mjerodavnih aktera iz Brisela.

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