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Kremlin says it will continue to supply arms to both sides despite renewed fighting in breakaway Nagorno-Karabakh.
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New Russian security force to quell public disturbances, fight terrorism, defend the homeland.
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The paper aims at presenting determinants and instruments applied by Russia in its hybrid war against Ukraine. The aspect of information warfare will be emphasised in particular. This aspect seems significant due to the fact that Russia launched a wide-scale and well-planned information war in its struggle for power in Ukraine. As a consequence of information space in Ukraine not being consolidated around one particular entity (as opposed to the space in Russia), the war applies tools characteristic for propaganda and derives from models set by the Soviet propaganda. By means of diverse instruments, Russia moulds the image of the great Russia which looks after Russians, and manipulates information, creates false facts and draws on myths lingering in the consciousness of the post-soviet states. Russia plots, very much like Soviet Union did, a conspiracy theory accusing the West of being the origin of all cultural, economic and political threats.
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The Author analyses the influence of conflict in Nagorno Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the domestic and foreign policy of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. He proves that the described confl ict for many years dominated in the political life of this country and was a basis of the ideology and the programs of elites struggling for power. In the struggle of the elites, the military elites played the main role, while being an important path to advancement to the peaks of power. The author tries to explain the influence of the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia question on political transformation of the states in conflict. Another important thread of the analysis is to search answers to the question, how tradition, culture, psychology, life styles and political interests of elites in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia affect the course and the effects of a peacemaking process aimed solving the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
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After withdrawing most of its forces out of Syria, Russia has made the most out of a chance to earn billions of dollars from weapons contracts, media reports say.
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Vladimir Putin’s spokesman describes Ukrainian initiative as ‘bordering on insanity.’
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Three Azerbaijani soldiers reported dead as fighting resumes after a day of relative calm.
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Azerbaijani money will finance transformation of former Yugoslav naval base on the Montenegrin coast into luxury resort.
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The paper analyzes the determinants and political implications of the different approaches of Yugoslavia and the two superpowers to the policy of bipolar détente and the optimal strategy of eliminating hotbeds of world crises during the first half of the 1970s. The clear discord between Yugoslav foreign policyon this issue and the current bloc strategy was a serious obstacle to the advancement of political and economic cooperation of Yugoslavia with the big superpowers and the safeguard of Yugoslav independence and nonalignment.
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Fatmir Limaj, finally cleared of wartime crimes after 13 years, wants Kosovo authorities to pay for his days in jail.
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AGM-114 missiles destined for Oregon somehow were put on an Air Serbia flight from Beirut.
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The Soviets trained dolphins to plant bombs on enemy vessels; the Kremlin wants to revive training center in Crimea.
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Committee for Prevention of Torture members, Russian and foreign journalists attacked at Chechnya-Ingushetia border.
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Ukrainian pilot’s trial in Russia described as ‘farce’ by the EU, and a US diplomat.
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Among the events that marked the historical fate of the Bulgarians in the 20th century the Balkan War of 1912 undoubtedly occupies a central place. This study expands the research spectrum to Central Europe not from the view-point of the well-known official diplomacy, but through the prism of the Czech political representation in the Reichsrat and Delegations. The article proves the existence of coordination on the eve of the war between the Bulgarian government and Czech Neo-Slavists in the face of the most famous Czech MP from the time of the Danubian Monarchy Dr. Karel Kramář. Kramář’s parliamentary appearances popularized the cause of the Balkan allies among the nations of the monarchy, presented a different view from the official and to some extent contributed to the refraining of Vienna from direct intervention in the conflict. The article analyzes the arguments of the Neo-Slav leader from the perspective of the 21st century.
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In the article the origins of G7 and G8 were briefly presented. The author also char-acterized the ways of functioning (called the system) of these groups. The main stress was put on the numerous issues of international security. Therefore the different dimen-sions of this were emphasized, and the commitments made by the leaders during yearly summits to solving the problems in this area were analyzed. At the end of the paper the author tried to answer the question if such a specific international institution is still able to act effectively to influence the different dimensions of international security in the new political situation (especially as a result of Russia’s foreign policy in 2014) .
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The terrorist attacks in New York on 11th September 2001 resulted in a new method of armed conflict which was asymmetric in character, on this occasion in Afghanistan. The ISAF faced the Taliban – a rival who had an advantage because of local knowledge and help from some of the neighbouring countries, such as Pakistan, and international terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaeda. The Taliban maintained surveillance on the ANSF which supported ISAF. As a result, attacks described as green on blue happened which were caused also by a conflict of a cultural and religious basis between Afghan soldiers and ISAF soldiers. Due to its unpre-dictability and the impossibility of stating its area and time, they became one of the biggest dangers for ISAF soldiers during that difficult mission.
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Stosunki między cywilami i żołnierzami są nieuniknioną konsekwencją istnienia wojny, jednak dopiero niedawno zaczęły być regulowane przez jedne z największych organizacji międzynarodowych zajmujących się utrzymaniem pokoju. Pierwszym celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie i porównanie najważniejszych regulacji NATO i UE, dotyczących relacji cywilno-wojskowych. Autorka prezentuje ewolucję koncepcji współpracy cywilno-wojskowej NATO i UE, wypracowane przez nie definicje oraz organy odpowiedzialne za implementację koncepcji, umieszczone w kontekście ogólnych strategii obu organizacji. Takie zestawienie najważniejszych regulacji pozwoli osiągnąć drugi cel artykułu, jakim jest zidentyfikowanie największych wyzwań związanych ze współpracą cywilno-wojskową, wspólnych dla NATO i UE oraz typowych dla poszcze-gólnych organizacji.
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