Západný Balkán – pokrok i stagnácia

Author(s): Július Lőrincz / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Západný Balkán ako dlhodobá strategická priorita slovenskej zahraničnej politiky sa v súvislosti s rokom 2012 dostal do osobitne pozitívneho kontextu. Tri nám veľmi blízke krajiny z regiónu dosiahli významné úspechy na svojej ceste s konečným cieľom plne sa integrovať do Európskej únie. Začal sa proces ratifikácie prístupového dohovoru Chorvátska s Úniou, Srbsko získalo štatút kandidátskej krajiny na členstvo (1. marca 2012) a Čierna Hora otvorila s Úniou prístupové rokovania (29. júna 2012). Samozrejme, je to predovšetkým úspech týchto krajín, ich občanov a politických reprezentantov, ale vo všetkých troch prípadoch je nepochybná spoluúčasť Slovenska. Naša republika, jej politická reprezentácia, diplomacia a mimovládny sektor sa v predchádzajúcich rokoch veľmi intenzívne angažovali na dvojstrannej i mnohostrannej úrovni, aby sa perspektíva euroatlantickej integrácie, jej rozšírenie i na región západného Balkánu stali optimálnou alternatívou rozvoja tamojších štátov a napokon aby aj medzinárodné spoločenstvo čoraz výraznejšie nachádzalo v tejto oblasti stabilitu a obrysy budúcej prosperity.

Západný Balkán – úspechy i stagnácia

Author(s): Július Lőrincz / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

The Western Balkans belongs to the long-term regional priorities of Slovakia’s foreign policy. Without any doubts, Slovakia has gained a certain degree of authority and respected political positions in this issue, appreciated by our allies in NATO as well as the EU. Throughout 2010, continuity in this respect was obvious both in Slovakia’s political and diplomatic activities at the governmental level as well as in the activities of the non-governmental sector.

Zahraničná politika Slovenska v roku 2009 optikou ministra zahraničných vecí

Author(s): Miroslav Lajčák / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

The year 2009 could be, without much exaggeration, labeled a year of extraordinary challenges and important issues. On January 1, 2009 Slovakia joined the Euro Zone, but since immediately afterwards we faced an unprecedented energy crisis, there was hardly any time left to celebrate this economically and politically significant step. Three organizations we regard as exceptionally important decided to substantially change their way of operating or to prepare such changes. Although it was not easy, the European Union finally completed the process of ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon successfully. The North Atlantic Alliance came to terms regarding the elaboration of a new Strategic Concept. Discussion on the future of European security within the framework of the Corfu Process was also launched by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.

Zahraničná politika Slovenska v roku 2008 optikou ministra zahraničných vecí

Author(s): Miroslav Lajčák / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

For Slovak foreign policy, the year 2008 was both a year of continuity in terms of fundamental priorities and goals and a year which marked the beginning of significant change within the external environment in which Slovak diplomacy operated. On the international scene, Slovakia backed solutions based on effective multilateralism and adherence to international law. Slovakia was able to fulfill its main foreign policy objectives and the external conduct of the country strengthened its international position. Slovak diplomacy clearly, and with a certain amount of foresight, included the main strategic priorities and objectives of foreign policy in the strategy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA); the structure of which was also used in drafting the Report on the Fulfillment of Slovak Foreign Policy Tasks in 2008 and Foreign Policy Orientation for the Year 2009. Strengthening diplomatic activities in support of Slovakia’s prosperity, issues of energy security, and the overall stability of Europe proved to be key agendas within the strategy. Protecting the interests of Slovak citizens abroad also received greater focus in foreign policy. We also perceive 2008 to have been a year of increased uncertainty in international relations and international law. It was the year of the Russian-Georgian conflict, the unilateral declarations of the independence of Kosovo, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and the year of the beginning of the global financial and economic crisis.

Slovensko a rozvojová pomoc v roku 2006

Author(s): Marián Čaučík,Zuzana Krátka,Ľudmila Pastorová / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

The co-shared responsibility of developed countries for global development makes countries like Slovakia consider the Official Development Assistance (ODA), an official component of its foreign policy. The issue of fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals became the agenda of the international community once again after the September 2005 UN summit in New York. The highest officials of Slovakia expressed their commitment to these goals at the summit. Thus as a member of the donor community, Slovakia is willing to contribute to solving the global issues i.e. to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger, to achieve the universal primary education, to promote gender equality and empower women, to reduce child mortality, to improve maternal health, to combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, to ensure environmental sustainability and to develop a global partnership for development. Moreover, the development assistance is also declared the EU’s external relations priority. The EU committed itself to reach the collective level of ODA expenses at 0.51% GNI and made clear that individual member states of the EU15 would reach the level of 0.58% GNI by 2010 and 0.7% by 2017. Having in mind the limited resources of the new member states, Commission set the individual goals for them – 0.17% ODA/GNI by 2010 and 0.33% by 2015.

Az etióp biztonságpolitika és a szomáli – krízis

Author(s): Béla Háda / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

The Taiwanese Dimension of the Cross–Strait Equation after the Sunflower Movement

Author(s): Krzysztof Kozłowski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

For over five decades Taiwan was predominantly perceived by the international community as a function of regional balance of power network in East Asia and of the United States and People’s Republic of China relations. However, after almost 30 years of democratic change, Taiwanese internal politics is slowly growing out of the diplomatic cross–strait framework and Beijing–Taipei economic rapprochement scenarios. The Sunflower Movement protests and November 29th, 2014 defeat of ruling Kuomintang in local elections indicate an introduction of a new variable – Taiwanese society – in cross–strait formula.

The Economic Relations of the United States and China over the Years 2005–2015

Author(s): Przemysław FURGACZ / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The author concentrates in the paper on the trade and financial relations between the United States of America and People’s Republic of China over the period 2005–2015. The growing interdependence of the two leading economies on the Western (the US) and Eastern (China) hemispheres undoubtedly is a salient factor in global economy that needs to be scrupulously studied. The geoeconomic competition between the two states overlaps the concomitant geopolitical rivalry. It is one of the most germane phenomenon in the global economic and political relations of the contemporary world.

Changes Within the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s Society: Involvement of the Non–Governmental Actors

Author(s): Miloš Procházka / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Non–Governmental Organizations (NGO) activities in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are specified by missing mutual diplomatic representation between the two Koreas, and also between the DPRK and the US. This fact helps to increase the importance and prestige of NGOs, the role of individuals and groups in cultural, sport and civic exchanges when participating in mediation of humanitarian and development aid to the DPRK. The entrepreneurs, who are willing to invest in DPRK (despite the adverse conditions) and employ North Korean workers, play an irreplaceable role as well. A summary of these activities provides an overall picture of the presence and impact of non–governmental actors.

Politicians’ Role in Foreign Policy Making in Japan before the Central Government Reform

Author(s): Karol Żakowski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The decision–making process in Japan has been characterized by extensive powers possessed by the bureaucrats who often overshadowed their political superiors. Foreign policy making was not an exception. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) boasted strong control over Japan’s diplomacy. While the role of civil servants was theoretically limited to the implementation of the decisions made by politicians, in reality the administrative staff used a range of informal sources of power to act as arbiters of state matters. Only after the entry into force of Hashimoto’s administrative reform in 2001 did top–level decision makers gain new institutional tools that helped them to conduct an independent foreign policy on a more regular basis. Without denying this conventional wisdom, I argue that the politicians could occasionally play a significant role in Japan’s diplomacy even before implementation of institutional changes at the beginning of the 21st century. Under special circumstances, prime ministers, chief cabinet secretaries and foreign ministers were able to exert a considerable influence on the course of foreign policy, sometimes even changing its direction. Up to the 1990s the most influential figures in the government had enough authority to overcome the domination of the bureaucrats and impose their own will on MOFA.

Political Leadership and the Security Policy: Negotiations on the US Military Bases in Okinawa under the Murayama and Hashimoto Cabinets

Author(s): Beata Bochorodycz / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The problem of the US military bases, including the relocation of the Futenma military air station and a construction of a Futenma replacement facility (FRF) in Okinawa, has been a difficult and contested issue in Japanese domestic and foreign affairs for decades. In November 1995 Prime Minister Murayama and Vice President Al Gore established a Special Action Committee on Okinawa for deliberation on the reduction and realignment of the military bases. In April 1996 President Clinton and PM Hashimoto decided on the relocation and construction of the FRF in the prefecture within five to seven years. As of 2015 the prospects for implementation seem dim, especially after the electoral victory of the anti–base governor Onaga Takeshi in November 2014. This article focuses on the decision–making process under two consecutive prime ministers, Murayama and Hashimoto, since it was during their premiership that the issue was set on the agenda and decided upon. The article argues that on one hand PM Murayama made several important decisions, but lacking enough experience and power as a minor coalition member, as well as due to short term in office, was not able to supervise implementation of his decisions. On the other hand, PM Hashimoto did exercise strong leadership in regard to Futenma Air Base, but as the LDP president his decisions run along the general policy of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who is in charge of the foreign policy formation on daily base. Furthermore, the American side agreed to the relocation since the benefits – a new and technologically advanced facility for the US army, entirely paid by the Japanese government, outweighed the hardship of the transfer. In the entire process, the Okinawan community, demanding removal of the bases outside the prefecture, was not consulted and hence the ongoing opposition to the US bases and FRF.

SECURITY IN THE INFORMATION REVOLUTION: BRIDGING THE GAP BETWEEN TECHNOLOGY AND CONTENT IN STRATEGIC ADAPTATION

Author(s): Iulia Moise (Badaluta) / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper aims to explore how the concept of security is addressed in the information age. It argues that the information revolution is not fundamentally or primarily about technology. It is also about the content (the message per se), about information overload and malign efforts of manipulating the public opinion and the decision-making process. Therefore, this paper outlines the pervasive threat coming from the deceptive use of information for hostile purposes and makes case for the urge to consider the protection of the information space against pollution (manipulation) as a significant dimension to national security. Last but not least, this article highlights the critical role the Academia community should play in guiding the policy-making process. It pleads for a partnership between the scholars and policy-makers in order to revolution the way they address the security challenges in the information age.

TERRORIST ORGANIZATION OR LIBERATION MOVEMENT? THE POLISARIO FRONT’S CLASSIFICATION

Author(s): János Bésenyő / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The reality of the widening category of irregular warfare and the raising quantity of radical units all around the world arrived in an unprecedented pace in the 21st century’s security environment. The decisions on designating and labeling „terrorist groups”were always surrounded with terminological debates, diverse state interests, and different perception of security. Thereby handling and countering their attacks and secondary destabilizing effects are hardly-cooperative among larger alliances. Of course, we might not exclude the good examples of international peacekeeping and countermeasures, such as it is happening in the case of ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Al-Shabaab or other specific organizations. But in some cases, the methods of engagement, the continuously shaping security environment, shifts in ideology or other factors should influence the classification of a „terrorist group”, which might be questioned by individuals, ethnic groups, states or the international community itself.This was the situation with the Polisario Front group as well, which in some cases was labeledas terrorist organization, while other papers mentioned it as a separatist group or an organized crime unit. However, in the eyes of the world, the Front still is the legitimate representative of the Sahrawi’s people and a liberating organization responsible for its people. In this analysis,my main aim is to concentrate on these accusations against the Polisario Front, and its actual activity and connections with organized crime groups and highlight the facts, which exclude the Polisario Front from being a terrorist organization.

ALTERNATIVE NATIONAL DEFENCE AND SECURITY STRUCTURES DURING THE COLD WAR PERIOD. CASE STUDY – ROMANIA AND THE BALKANS

Author(s): Diana Cristiana Lupu,Gligor Vaidean / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The paper presents the alternative national defence and security structures,be they considered public security organisations, official governmental paramilitary structures or militias, existing in some countries during the Cold War period, focusing on the situation in Romania and the Balkans. The presentation is contextualised, taking into account the tensions between the Eastern Bloc (the Soviet Union and its satellite states) and the Western Bloc (the United States of America and its allies), divided along ideological lines after the end of the World War II, the existence of the two main political-military alliances(the Warsaw Pact and NATO), as well as the main crises and phases in the Cold War, in general, and in the Warsaw Pact, in particular. In the mentioned context, in some countries,certain structures other than the regular military were established to provide additional defence in the event of outside attack, the emergence, organisation and role of the ones related to the Eastern Bloc, especially those in Romania and the Balkans, being presented in the paper.

THE CHANGE OF THE NEW GENERATION OF THREATS TO THE NATIONAL SECURITY

Author(s): Iulian Chifu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

National security threats and risks have evolved in ways that are putting under a question mark the very change in nature of the new generation of threats. Technology, social media, their impact on the society, as well as new instruments of hybrid nature which determine huge rifts in our democratic liberal societies are creating a new environment and new categories of threats that have never showed up before. Moreover, this type of changes have tremendous impact on the resilience of democratic societies, on the public support for spending in the security field and on the perception of the threats, including those of conventional source– military operations, espionage, subversion.

MUHAMMAD BIN SALMAN'S REFORMS VS. WAHHABI RULES: A CHALLENGE FOR THE STATUS QUO OF THE SAUDI STATE?

Author(s): Ecaterina Maţoi,Diana-Monica Constantin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In the mid-eighteenth century, the as-Saud family concluded an agreement with Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, a rebellious preacher who promoted a very literal approach to Islamic religious precepts and was against of any deviation from the initial practices of Islam. This understanding between the Wahhabis and the As-Saud family has legitimized the latter to pursue an expansionist policy and to create a sustainable state at the beginning of the twentieth century. Therefore, the Saudi monarchy monopolized political and military action,while the Wahhabi clergy took over the religious, legal and social spheres of the newly established Saudi state. However, with the "modernizing" reforms initiated by Muhammad bin Salman (MbS) in 2017 in Saudi Arabia, such as authorizing women to drive or reopening cinemas – among others - accompanied by his statements and initiatives calling for a moderate Islam - have been interpreted by the fundamentalists as a tendency to break the historic pact between the Saudi House and the Wahhabi religious institution.In this paper we will try to see to what extent the reforms so widely circulated in the regional,international and local press, are sustainable in the long term, taking into account the importance and role of Wahhabi ulema in the Saudi society and, equally, if the "moderateIslam" model promoted by MbS could find supporters among them.

WAR FOR WATER

Author(s): Viorel ORDEANU,Benoni ANDRONIC,Lucia Elena Ionescu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The role of water is so important in all practical aspects of life, then the need to control water resources is a mandatory condition for mankind, that has and will always lead to conflicts and even war, be it declared or not, for water. Conflicts have been a constant throughout history, as well as the regulations for water access, all these may be shortly named politics of water – hydropolitics. Fresh water is a limited natural resource, and the growing demand for this resources may be the cause of conflict escalation and wars, as it is the case for oil. The availability of drinking water per capita is inadequate and insufficient on a global scale. The spread of water on the planet is not equal, considering geographical area, season and historical period, which poses a potential threat for the relations between people, nations, countries and alliances. The history of conflicts for water is old and when the political and diplomatic means fail, wars for water can emerge.

CONTESTING INTERNATIONAL NORMS REGARDING SOVEREIGNTY, SELF-DETERMINATION AND LOGIC OF CONFLICT IN THE BLACK SEA REGION. THE NEED FOR LEADERSHIP IN FRONT OF THESE THREATS

Author(s): Mihai Panait / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This article presents some considerations regarding the geopolitical and strategic importance of the Black Sea region and potential threats or risks to security, stability,prosperity and cooperation. The study tries to demonstrate the availability of some solutions for the improvement of peace and stability in this part of the world. The international norms regarding the sovereignty and the self-determination, and the logic of conflict in the Black Sea region, needs to be discussed more and have to be analysed in detail.Much has been written about the importance of the Montreux Convention (1936) and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea or the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea in many books, memoirs or studies, and every day around the world, people or organizations discuss the major problems after the Russian-Ukraine conflict.Political leadership could be the key point for security and prosperity in the Black Sea region,in Euro-Atlantic and Euro-Asian areas. Only together, bridges can be built over the Black Sea for present and future generations

Slovak Development Cooperation in 2019

Author(s): Daniel Kaba / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

2019 brought with it a number of new strategies, instruments and policies. Nevertheless, the old demons returned and our foreign policy and values continued to be undermined. Two main topics dominated – migration and private sector involvement in development cooperation. While migration framed both the beginning and end of the year, caused heated debates, was the reason minister Miroslav Lajčák submitted his resignation to the president (he later withdrew it) and was a politicized in the parliamentary election campaigns at the end of the year, private sector involvement has attracted less public and social media attention and been less prone to open misuse by politicians. Nonetheless both are equally important for development cooperation.

Millî Mücadele Dönemi Anadolu Basınında Makalelerin Dilinden Birinci İnönü Muharebesi

Author(s): Mesut Yavaş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Birinci Dünya Savaşı sona erdiğinde İtilaf Devletleri, içlerinde Osmanlı Devleti’nin de bulunduğu İttifak Devletleri ile imzalanacak barış antlaşmalarının şartlarını görüşmek üzere 18 Ocak 1919’da Paris’te bir konferans toplamışlardır. Konferansın 6 Mayıs’ta yapılan toplantısında, Yunanistan’ın İzmir’e asker çıkarmasına karar verilmiştir. Bundan sonraki süreçte hazırlıklarını tamamlayan Yunan birlikleri, 15 Mayıs 1919 sabahı İzmir’de karaya çıkmışlardır. Her ne kadar konferansta Yunanistan’ın işgal bölgesi İzmir Sancağı ile Ayvalık ilçesi olarak sınırlandırılmış olsa da ilerleyen süreçte Yunan Ordusu bunu vahşi bir işgale dönüştürmüş ve Anadolu’nun içlerine kadar ilerlemiştir. Yunanlıların bu ilerleyişi, kuva-yı millîye düşüncesinin doğmasını sağlamıştır. Batı Anadolu’nun farklı bölgelerindeki vatansever asker, esnaf, eşraf, aydın ve diğer yerel gönüllüler bölgelerinde kurdukları kuva-yı milliye birlikleriyle bu işgalleri durdurmaya çalışmışlardır. Bu bölgesel direnişlere rağmen karşısına çıkacak düzenli bir ordunun olmayışı Yunanlıların işini kolaylaştırmıştır, ta ki 1921 yılının Ocak ayına kadar. Diğer yandan Yunanistan’da yapılan 1920 seçimleri sonunda Megali İdea’nın aşırı savunucularından Başbakan Venizelos, iktidarı kaybetmiş ve ülkeyi terk etmiştir. Yurt dışında olan Kral Konstantin ise yeniden ülkesine dönerek tahta oturmuştur. Yeni Kral, kendisinin ve hükümetinin dış politikada Venizelos siyasetinin takipçileri olduklarını göstermek için Yunan Ordusu’na ilerleme emri vermiştir. Bunu yaparken aynı zamanda silah zoruyla Türklere Sevr Antlaşmasını kabul ettirmeyi de ummuştur. 6 Ocak 1921’de başlatılan Yunan birliklerinin ilerleyişi, 9-10 Ocak günlerinde İnönü mevzilerinde yaşanan muharebeler neticesinde durdurulmuştur. Türk Kurtuluş Savaşı’nın dönüm noktalarından biri olan Birinci İnönü Muharebesi’nde genç Türk Ordusu rüştünü ispat etmiştir. Elde edilen bu başarı yurtta sevinçle karşılanmış, zafere susamış halkın moralini yükseltmiş, Milli Mücadele hareketine moral ve motivasyon açısından çok ciddi katkılar sağlamıştır. Milli Mücadele Dönemi basını da yaşananlara duyarsız kalmamış ve bu başarıyı sayfalarına taşıyarak sevince ortak olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Birinci İnönü Muharebesi’nde elde edilen bu başarının, Milli Mücadele Dönemi Anadolu basınında nasıl yankılandığı makaleler üzerinden ele alınmış ve makalelerin dilinden verilmeye çalışılmıştır.