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Gender equality has progressed a great deal in recent decades in response to modernisation, industrialisation, and the generally rising level of education. A transformation in gender beliefs has accompanied the progress on gender equality and beliefs about gender roles have mainly changed in countries in North America and Europe, while in Muslim and Asian countries they have remained the same. The analysis in this article focuses on civic participation and investigates its relation to equalitarian gender beliefs. Multi-level regression models and data from World Values Survey (WVS) collected from 46 countries in 2005 allow depicting the relationships. The findings show that membership in civic associations covariates with equalitarian gender beliefs, but the sign of the relation depends on the gender and the type of association.
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Crimeea e o achiziție recentă a Rusiei. Face parte din bagajul „omului recent” de tip imperial, moscovit, care, în vest, la celălalt capăt al Europei are pe revoluționarul iacobin din Franța (cu 17 000 de victime ghilotinate, Britannica). Crimeea rusească este deci, parte a unui complex ideologic și mai puțin a unui bagaj identitar cum încearcă să se legitimeze de către unii analiști anexarea de facto a Crimeii din aceste zile. Crimeea are peste 2000 de ani de istorie scito-bizantină și turco-tătară față de care Rusia nu e decât un degetar. Dar cea mai serioasă concluzie nu e atât vechimea legitimității, cât conduita acestui „om recent”: întemeiat pe raptul teritorial și pe exploatarea tributală a comunităților peste care s-a înstăpânit, violent până la crima în masă (vezi gulagul comunist).
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The German occupation forces in Yugoslavia began to take a direct interest in the events .in Bosnia and Hercegovina only after it had successfully concluded military operations against the Partizan forces in western Serbia in November of 1941. In the meantime, the uprising in Bosnia and Hercegovina was flourishing, so that Bosnia became the area of its direct operative .interests and activity. At the same time, the process of political differentiation of the forces in the uprising developed. In this regard, the occupation forces, and under their pressure the Ustasa regime of the Independent State of Croatia, decided in favor of an attempt to split the uprising forces and, by means of various steps, to win over the »national« uprising element and thus more easily overcome the »Communist« element. The Commando Supremo and the OKW, in preparing military operations against insurgents in Bosnia and Hercegovina accepted negotiations with the Cetniks as a useful thing. The Ustasa regime, for its part, had begun to change its position towards Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia (ISC) and to take a more moderate stand towards them. This turn in the policy of the Ustasa leadership is illustrated by the convention of the Croatian State Assembly, the founding of the so-called Croatian Orthodox Church and the conclusion of an agreement with the Cetnik leaders stipulating a division of power in the appropriate areas of the ISC and joint action against the People's Liberation Movement. The author gives an exhaustive analysis of these measures whose effectiveness was aided by the fact that the insurgents and the people who supported them were becoming fatigued from the battle and satiated with the war, as well as the fact that the German and Italian occupying forces and Ustasa troops, with the assistance of the Cetniks, were conducting at that time a considerable military operation against the Bosnian and Hercegovinian partizans. In conclusion the author points out that the measures undertaken by the occupiers and Ustasa forces, especially the agreement with the Cetniks in Bosnia, i. e. the recognition on the part of the ISC of their status which came about as a result of earlier arrangements with the Italian military powers of eastern Hercegovina, acted in the direction of pacifying the rebellious peoples. The Serbian population began to accommodate itself to the situation in which it was not exposed to the physical annihilation it had faced earlier (in the first months of the existence of the ISC). A large number of Serbs who had participated in the rebellion found it wiser in the new conditions to occupy themselves with their own business rather than to continue to struggle and sustain the losses. The relationship of the forces in eastern and central Bosnia and eastern Hercegovina changed unfavorably for the People's Liberation Movement. Concurrently the positions of the ISC and of the Cetniks were strengthened in these areas.
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W serialu Sługa Narodu głównemu bohaterowi, którego grał Wołodymyr Zełenski, zjawiały się w wizjach różne postaci historyczne. Nawiedził go także car Iwan Groźny. Mówił: „Wkrótce was wyzwolimy. Jak to nie trzeba? Do jakiej znowu Europy? Przecież my, Słowianie, jednej jesteśmy krwi”. Scenę nakręcono na przełomie lat 2015–2016.
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Sich allen Veränderungen, widersetzend, die die Beschlüsse des Berliner Kongresses erforderten, waren die Albaner auch gegen die Besetzung Bosniens und der Herzegowina durch Österreich-Ungarn. Während die Führung der Liga von Prizhen (am 10. Juni 1878 gegründet) und besonders d ie autonomistisch- nationalistische Ström ung grundsätzlich dagegen war, da sie ihre bewaffneten Kräfte fer allem zur Sicherung der Gebiete für notwendig hielt auf die sie aspirierte, waren der einfache Bürger, aber auch manche Funktionäre der Liga - als Mohammedaner solidarisch und in Angst, die Okkupation könne sich auch, auf daš Sandschak von Novipazar ausdehnen, das sie als ihr Regierungsgebiet betrachteten - bereit nach Bosnien zu ziehen.
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In der Zeit von 1878- 1880 widersetzte sich die Bevölkerung von Gusinje und Plav der Anwendung von Artikel 28 des Berliner Vertrages und bildete daher eine Widerstandsbewegung, die in dieser Zeit breites Interesse weckte und gleichzeitig die Unterzeichner des Vertrageszwang, eine andere Lösung und Änderungen der sich auf dieses Gebiet beziehenden Vertrugsbesimmungen zu suchen. Der Autor kam zu der Schlussfolgerung dass diese Bewegung bisher nur ungenügend erforscht wurde und dass es dabei zur Apstrahierung ihrer wirklichen Träger kam.
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Die inneгen Schwachen des osmanischen Reiches nutzend, begannen in den eгsten Jahren des 18. Jahrhundeгts herzegowinische und besondeгs montenegrinische Bergstamme in grosser Zahl, in die benachbarten venezianischen und Dubrovniker Terгitorien und in das herzegowinische Sandschak einzufallen.
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According to realist theory, international relations are conflicts of interests and power between states. Therefore, war between states is an inevitable reality. The functionalist approach, which is the subject of this article, developed as a criticism of this realist thesis. According to functionalist and new functionalist theories, wars can be prevented and international peace can be achieved through functional cooperation between states and functional institutionalization.
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The purpose of the article is to analyse the impact of pre-election polls on the behaviour of Polish voters in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2015. The results of public opinion polls published during the election campaign could have influenced the behaviour of some citizens in a way that either mobilised them to take part in voting for and supporting individual committees and candidates or discouraged them from doing so. The article attempts to identify and characterise the ‘poll effects’ that may have occurred in the cases discussed, as well as assessing the impact of the polls on the final election results.
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The year 1929 ended an important ten-year period of reorganisation and consolidation of the Zionist movement in Poland for the Zionists from Galicia and other districts. Undoubtedly, these years were the time of the greatest activity and development of the Zionists. Many factors contributed to the Zionist successes at that time; the possibility of free sociopolitical activity in a reborn Poland and the political abilities of Zionist leaders such as Leon Reich, Izaak Grünbaum or Ignacy Schwarzbart. However, the political strength of these leaders also became the weakness of the Zionist movement. The ambitions, tenacity and ruthless ideological struggle between Zionists became the main cause of the internal crisis of the Zionist organisation, also contributing to the decline in Zionist activity in the late 1920s. As a result, the Zionist movement was marginalised in the political life of the Second Polish Republic in the 1930s. The death of Leon Reich, one of the most prominent Zionist activists in post-war Poland, had an undeniable impact on the position of and the decline in the Zionist movement’s activity in Galicia and across the country. The politician’s death also added another dimension. Namely, the durability of the ‘Zion-Zion agreement’ concluded in Drohobycz in 1926 and the issue of the unification of the Zionist movement in Poland was questioned.
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Review of: Konrad Majkowski - Rob Riemen Walczyć z tą epoką. O faszyzmie i humanizmie, przeł. A. Oczko, Universitas, Kraków 2020, ss. 143.
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The literature indicates an ever-growing involvement of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in foreign policy and hence an increasing potential for them to exert influence over it. Approaching foreign aid policy as a suitable empirical indicator of a country’s foreign policy, this paper examines the case of Lithuanian development NGOs’ (NGDOs’) influence over bilateral foreign aid policy. Based on the mechanistic approach to social science, this paper demonstrates that NGDO influence is observed when an NGDO has resources to assist decision-makers in policy implementation; when it behaves strategically; and when decision-makers’ access to these resources is threatened. Although other NGDO’s resources are insufficient to result in the NGDO being able to exercise influence, they help to strengthen the long-term collaborative relationship with decision-makers, which is necessary for the micro-phenomenon of NGDO influence to occur. The paper concludes that the potential influence of Lithuanian NGDOs is limited, constrained by the scant demand for NGDOs’ resources and the unconducive institutional setting. But the paper identifies low issue salience and a focused concentration of valuable resources within Lithuanian NGDOs as factors which increase the likelihood of NGDO influence.
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The Vytis (Coat of Arms of Lithuania) is a national symbol of Lithuania that typically functions within an official state frame. This paper examines how the use and functions of the Vytis had changed from the year 2013 to 2019. While presenting an analysis of the new forms of Vytis expression, a question arises: how does the intensified and atypical use of the symbol correlate with the temperature of nationalism in our society? The research, which is based on discourse theory and includes visual and textual information found in media, social media, and other non-academic platforms, allows distinguishing four new directions of the symbol’s expression: (1) commercialization, (2) transformation into a political tool, (3) transfer to everyday culture, and (4) individual practices as well as creative practices. This paper concludes that the changing use of Vytis shows elements of both cooling and heating nationalisms. We face a cooling nationalism when the symbol becomes a part of a routine that we no longer reflect. We can also detect attributes of heating nationalism in our society. They are triggered by a sense of internal or external threats and are inseparable from the temperature of our public space.
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This article is about Nayib Bukele’s presidency in El Salvador, and to what extent it is a case of populism, and if it has contributed to a negative democratic development between 2019–2021. By using the concepts of democratic backsliding, autocratization, and populism, three main conclusions are made. First, actions taken by Bukele during his presidency has directly contributed to a negative democratic development. Second, both during the electoral campaign and in office, there are also signs of populism, such as anti-pluralism, hijacking the state, mass clientelism, and a feeling of a less democratic civil society and free media. Consequently, Bukele has pushed the country into a process of autocratization, where the future destiny toward less democracy is still uncertain.
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The article is devoted to the study of electoral choice. It is proved that it is a complex phenomenon that requires a comprehensive study in the framework of different approaches, which are formed in behaviorism, postmodernism, cognitivism, moral and communicative philosophy. It has been shown that the study of electoral choice is related to the analysis of thought processes. Given the unrestricted dissemination of information and the growing role of irrational aspects, political behavior cannot be explained by the doctrine of rational choice alone.
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The article aims to analyze the European policy of chancellor Sebastian Kurz’s first government formed by ÖVP and FPÖ between 2017-2019 and his second cabinet, which was composed of ÖVP and Grüne and formed in 2020. The hypothesis adopted is that, regardless of the instability of the cabinet and the discredit of the leading politicians, the main assumptions of Austria’s EU policy remain unchanged. Such stability results from the domination of the pro-European Austrian People’s Party in the coalition government and is a consequence of the determinants influencing Austria’s strategic goals in united Europe. First, the article presents the geopolitical, economic, and social factors in the European policy which determine Austria’s main interests in the EU. Next, it compares the coalition agreement between Christian Democrats and the Freedom Party with the 2020-2024 government program of Christian Democrats and the Greens in terms of Austria’s role in the EU as promoted by the coalition parties. It also contains a qualitative analysis of the election manifestos published by different coalition members and an evaluation of their priorities in Austria’s European policy and attitudes towards the EU deepening and territorial expansion. Lastly, it summarizes Austria’s implementation of its EU policy, including its 2018 EU Council presidency.
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After over two decades of violence, loss of thousands of civilians, displacement of tens of thousands of people, and damages to key infrastructure in Pakistan by Tehrik e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the central government decided to talk with them in 2014. These peace talks were as vital as their failure could lead inevitably to a longer war. This study is about the coverage given by the Pakistani national press on these peace talks and the military operation followed by it. It is evaluated that how far print media played their role either in initiating peace or instigating war. With this intention, Johan Galtung's theory of Peace Journalism was applied. Analyzing the contents of four elite national English and Urdu dailies the study concluded that the mainstream press portrayed the peace talks with a considerable difference throughout peace talks, which had undermined the government approach of bringing peace. War-oriented coverage of the operation tells that whatever would be the situation media would sensationalize it. Within the news stories, mixed expressions were seen towards both peace and war but the overall coverage remained war-oriented.
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The study is carried out in the framework of Conceptual Metaphor Theory, but since it considers political cartoons that, apart from linguistic, involve also other modes, the findings of theoreticians researching visual and multimodal metaphors are applied. The purpose of the present study is to identify and analyse the visual and multimodal metaphors encountered in cartoons focusing on the European Union matters and to find out if political events are presented in cartoons in English and Latvian on the basis of the same conceptual metaphors.
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The aim of the research presented in this article aims to determine the impact of polylingualism on the effectiveness of political rhetoric in Lithuania. The study focuses on elements borrowed from other languages and used by Lithuanian politicians in their Facebook posts. In addition, the motivation behind such use is explored, aiming to establish whether polylingualism is part of a conscious effort of political communication in order to build a positive image. Within the scope of this research are Facebook posts containing cases of polylingualism, specifically, English-language inserts. The authors of these posts are prominent politicians who are native Lithuanian speakers engaged in active communication on social media. Collected during the period of 2018–2021, the research material was examined using the method of rhetorical discourse analysis, resulting in the identification of characteristic instruments of persuasion, i.e. the tools which help enhance the effectiveness of certain discourse. The researchers aimed to determine the general patterns and dominant tendencies of mixed speech within the political discourse on social media. The research reveals the use of polylingualism as a stylistic tool imitating informal speaking and creating contextual discourse.
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