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Communication and Ethical Behavior in the Public Service

Author(s): Arta Musaraj,Julejda Gerxhi / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2010

Setting up public administration which operates effectively and taking over responsibilities, both crucial on the point of view of the democracy indicators, requires great effort from all social stake holders in setting up and maintaining a public service organization. This notion implies the setting in function of the instruments and procedures that prevent undesirable behavior and provide encouragement of good behavior among operators of those services. While doing this, communication as a main component of the public service, calls for structure and control. Ethics or standards of behavior in the public sector are important political and public issues for every country, which is always held as a fundamental prerequisite for “good behavior” (good governance). The Code of ethics by which are expressed the values and standards in the civil service is one of the ethical elements of infrastructure. It enhances the function of orientation (giving instructions for action and behavior), and aims: respect for the law, respect for individuals, personal and professional integrity and efficiency in managing public resources, reinforcing the role and importance that the communication strategies and tools have. Professional association helps to develop judgment and of the necessary skills to enable white collar workers to apply communication strategy and tools and ethical principles in real circumstances. Objective progress can help create an environment where the white collar workers are willing to face and resolve communication problems and ethical disputes, they can even develop essential skills for effective communication and ethical analysis. The mechanisms of awareness about mission and processes of the public service, orientation and internal consulting in the civil service should be available to help white collar workers to apply basic communication and ethical standards in the workplace. Improvements in the legal framework is necessary for the proper functioning of public service, namely: to gain and maintain public confidence.

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Političke ambicije i politički karijerizam

Author(s): Tatjana Lazić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 13/2017

Concept of political ambition helps us to understand human need for political power focused on individuals’ personal attributes, personalities and motivation. Political motives and desires to gain public office are related to individual’s ambition for personal gain – position of power, privilege and prestige or to political organization’s ambition to obtain power and have influence in decision making process in society. Initial decision to run for office depends on actual and changeable political opportunities for individual success and, as such, it is rather personal and/or organizational choice to make politics as a means of achieving own interests or as a means of achieving a common public good.

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Around the Idea of Compromise. The activity of the Polish Peasant Party „New Liberation” on the forum of the State National Council and Parliament (with a particular emphasis on education)

Author(s): Tomasz Skrzyński / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

PSL „New Liberation” tried to win the villages. It highlighted its association with one of the major pre‑war left‑wing peasant parties: PSL „Liberation”. Before the war it had gathered many village teachers, focusing its attention on the modernization and development of education. The „New Liberation” declared great concern for the state (including education); it emphasized the importance of religion; it ensured that in the new political realities, an educated peasant „should not be a laughing stock, as it used to be previously, but a citizen enjoying full rights”. The party emphasized the role of peasant educational organizations: „the tremendous importance of this work, which seeks to abolish the eternal harm suffered by the neglected peasant child.” „New Liberation” persuaded the peasants that they should abandon their rivalry with the Communists and Socialists. The aim was to cooperate on equal terms. But, the idea of „New Liberation” to partially represent the interests of the village in the parliament was unreal. The „liberators” failed to notice the insincerity in PPR policy. The aim of this article is to recall the main activities of the Polish Peasant Party “New Liberation” on the forum of the State National Council and Parliament.

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USA a Ruská federace – komparace z pohledu bezpečnostní a strategické kultury

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2014

Backed by the current history, the monograph explains different ways in which the USA and the Russian Federation use their power. A large part is devoted to the concepts of strategy and the strategic culture, militarism, mental model or smart power. The attention is focused on Obama’s vision to have a world without nuclear weapons, as well as the Prague treaty for the reduction of strategic nuclear weapons, and Obama’s restraint and caution in using military force for achieving political goals. The book analyses strategic and doctrinal documents that constitute a framework of Russian security and foreign policy.

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A „családi választójog” és a választójogi képviselet két lehetséges értelme

Author(s): Miklós Könczöl / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2018

In the last decade, the proposal to abolish the lower age limit for suffrage, with parents voting as proxies on behalf of their children (‘family voting’), has been raised in Hungarian constitutional scholarship. This proposal is part of the effort to find institutional solutions to problems related to sustainability. Arguments supporting it go, however, beyond the issue of sustainability, and raise fundamental questions of legal and political theory. This paper examines the proposal with a focus on the concept of ‘representation’, which can be interpreted in at least two ways in the context of family voting. That, then, allows for two different (but not unrelated) arguments in favour of the proposal. The first one is based on the notion that parents’ extra votes do not violate the principles of equal and direct suffrage. In contrast, I argue that parental voting cannot be considered as merely expressing children’s preferences, and that persons who are regarded as unable to make a decision themselves cannot be represented in this way. The second argument gives up the claim of equal and direct suffrage, and seeks to justify the proposal by saying that parents’ extra votes are necessary for the sufficient representation of children’s interests. Such an argument can find support in the notion that parents are better situated to represent their children’s interests than the average voter. Here, I focus on three characteristics often mentioned in scholarship: parents’ privileged access to information, their shared interests with their children, and their selflessness. It is shown, however, that these arguments are either irrelevant or unconvincing, and therefore that the second line of argument, too, fails to provide adequate justification for family voting.

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BOOK REVIEW: Kohler D. (2016). Understanding Deradicalization. Methods, Tools and Programs for Countering Violent Extremism. Oxon/New York: Routledge.

Author(s): Marko Krstić / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

Daniel Kohler, director of the German Institute for Radicalization and De-Radicalization Studies (GIRDS) in Berlin, based on an authentic personal practical experience in the field of derading, as well as a number of empirical case studies, in this book for the first time, overcomes the gap between academic and practical perspectives on „deradalisation“.

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ТАЈНА КАО ПРЕТПОСТАВКА ПОЛИТИЧКЕ МОЋИ

Author(s): Aleksandar Bodrožić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2019

Secret as one of the important means in achieving political power includes an interesting relationship between specific data, knowledge or information, the content of which is known to a limited number of persons, who are trying to preserve it as such from the disclosure because of certain personal interests, attitudes or beliefs on the one hand, and political power, as one of the most important concepts of modern politics. In connection with the presented, the paper attempts to provide an answer to the question whether and to what extent the secret is a conditio sine qua non of political power of the sovereign, and how justified and necessary it is in a democratic society, which is founded on the plurality of interests and mutual harmonization, to base the security of the democratic order on secret, inaccessible to the public, work of certain state bodies.

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RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT AND HUMAN SECURITY IN UN’S INVOLVEMENT IN LIBYA

Author(s): Laura M. Herța / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The article discusses the responsibility to protect (RtoP) and the shift from a right for humanitarian intervention towards a global responsibility to protect civilians, as exemplified by the wording of Resolutions 1970 and 1973. The main goal of the article is to analyse the response of the United Nations to the crisis in Libya and discuss the ways in which responsibility to protect and human security were incorporated throughout the involvement in Libya. The article is structured in three main parts. The first one provides a brief overview of the essentials of the responsibility to protect while the second one focuses on the UN’s incorporation of RtoP. Finally, the last part tackles the degree to which the intervention in Libya reflected an adequate and consistent RtoP framework.

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THE UNITED NATIONS’ APPROACH ON SECURITY SECTOR REFORM. THE CASE OF LIBYA

Author(s): Paul Kraft-Biriș / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

This article reviews the concept of Security Sector Reform and its application in conflict-afflicted countries – the case which is discussed being Libya. In the first section of the text, the emergence of the concept in the field of Security Studies is illustrated; additionally, the paper highlights the actors that actively engage in Security Sector Reform programs with a central focus on the United Nations. Challenges that the United Nations model face are later presented – with emphasis on the short-term mandates and the unrenewed as well as the universally applied Security Sector Reform guidelines. The last part of the article represents an analysis of the United Nations-led Security Sector Reform programme in Libya and the goal here is to illustrate how the challenges presented at the beginning of the article can be traced in the case of the northern-African country.

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THEORETICAL APPROACHES ON FRANÇAFRIQUE THEORY OF INTERNATIONAL REGIMES

Author(s): Grigoreta-Iulia Lupulescu / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The French-African relations have always been considered a special and yet genuine case of international relations due to their history, intensity and particular way of cooperation even after decolonization. This is why this subject remains of keen interest for the scholars in the International Relations Theories. In this context, the article aims to apply the framework of IR theory on Françafrique relations so as to identify the fundaments as well as the functioning system of this unique form of cooperation. Having as a starting point the conceptualization of the notions that are going to be dealt with in the article, the paper will then look upon defining the main premises of regime theory and their relevance in the study of French-Ivorian relations. Thus, the main purpose of the paper is that of bringing new theoretical perspectives and insights derived from IR Theory’s lens to the African studies.

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LES RESSOURCES NATURELLES EN CASAMANCE : OBSTACLES OU VECTEURS DE PAIX?

Author(s): Arne Aerts / Language(s): French Issue: 2/2019

Recent insights in the field of peacebuilding and conflict transformation studies underline the importance of involving natural resources in conflict resolution. This research shows that, even in a pro-independence conflict that has been going on for over 37 years in southern Senegal, natural resource management can play a key role in conflict resolution. The local civil society confirms the involvement of natural resources in the conflict, but too often forgets them in its own activities as well as when making a list of key elements to achieve peace in the region.

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PARTICULARITĂȚILE ALEGERILOR LOCALE GENERALE DIN 20 OCTOMBRIE 2019 ÎN CIRCUMSCRIPȚIA ELECTORALĂ RAIONALĂ CAHUL

Author(s): Sergiu Cornea / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 2/2019

Local elections have a great importance for the establishment of local authorities. The ability of citizens to get involved in the process of establishing local public authorities and to participate in local decision-making process are the essential elements of the contemporary democratic state. The particular circumstances of the general local elections from October, 20, 2019, were examined in the Cahul District Electoral Constituency. In particular, were studied the characteristics of the electoral contest for the position of mayor of Cahul.

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Adaptacja instrumentów marketingu ekonomicznego na potrzeby polityków

Author(s): Daniel Kur / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2018

The most important issues of the article are common tools in two diff erent sections, namely political marketing and economical marketing. The most important trains of the implementation of the economical marketing to politics are presented in this article. The dissertation identifi es the factors, which have determined the infl uence of the economy on politics. More precisely, it presents the infl uence of the marketing and the advertisement of the product on the political campaigns. The main though is based on concrete examples of pioneers of political marketing. In this article a perceptive reader is going to fi nd similarities and diff erences presented in the process of permeation of these two branches in the activities of the present-day society.

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A szellem erőszaka – az erőszak szelleme? Az 1968-as mozgalmi hullám kontúrjainak változásai az újabb publikációk tükrében

Author(s): Máté Szabó / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2019

The review considers four English language volumes that compare the dynamics of the protest wave of 1968 using various theoretical and methodological approaches. The studies focus mainly on Western Europe with perspectives on the USA, though some of the works also consider the Eastern bloc, specifically Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The four books present interdisciplinary analyses of the issues of the 1968 protest wave and social movements in a complex theoretical-historical, historical, sociological, and cultural historical context. This literature review focuses on the topic of violence and non-violence, and presents the authors’ opinions on this issue. Horn’s text considers that the spirit of self-governmental democracy is the main message of 1968, but others also stress the revolutionary direct-democratic concept of the actors of 1968, which made the new left critical of representative democracy and led it to seek alternative paths. This conception also lay behind the anarchists’ occasional use of violence at demonstrations, and encouraged other aggressive subcultures to question state violence. In the theoretical and political background of all this was the concept of anti-imperialist resistance (connected to the Vietnam war), using the theory and practice of Marx, Mao, Marcuse, Che Guevara, Frantz Fanon, Castro and others. However, the political message of 1968 is not only complex – as some papers of Tismaneanu’s book pointed out – but contradictory as well. In the 1970s and 1980s in the West the non-violent civil disobedience of Gandhi was more typical of the development of protests in the counter-cultural, peace and ecological movements, rejecting the Marxism of the new left. Similarly, the oppositional movements of the eastern bloc used non-violent strategies in the democratic transition of 1989 during the reform transformation.

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Mondd kire figyelsz, megmondom mit gondolsz!

Author(s): Béla Janky,Zoltán Kmetty,Gabriella Szabó / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2019

The article summarises the main ﬁndings of research on the political communication enviroment of voters in Hungary. We investigate the interrelationship between news consumption, political opinion and party preferences amongst Facebook users. The results suggest that in Hungarysigniﬁcant numbers of people live in one-sided informational communities, both in terms of information sources and political opinions. These citizens prefer consuming partisan news media and talking about politics only with like-minded people, which correlates with their interpretations of political issues. However, not all social strata live in such a bubble. Contrary to expectations, the majority of Facebook users gain political information from politically divergent sources and do not avoid contradictory viewpoints. Moreover, even in the era of the internet and social media, television remains the most important news source for many people. The ﬁndings are discussed in light of selective exposure, echo chambers and literature on political polarization.

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A decizionizmus megzabolázása

Author(s): Attila Gyulai / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2019

Karácsony András: Döntés és hagyomány. Budapest, Századvég Kiadó, 2019.

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Európa jövője a mi jövőnk

Author(s): László Öllös / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2018

Gyurgyák János: Európa alkonya? Budapest: Osiris kiadó, 2018.

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Aspiracje życiowe młodych Polaków w kontekście zmieniającej się rzeczywistości - raport z badań

Author(s): Wojciech TREMPAŁA,Martyna Rajek,Agnieszka Pazderska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2016

In this article the authors are presenting the outcomes of their own studies about life goals of young adults in Poland. The empiric material was collected from January till May 2015, on the amount of 700 people who are living in Kujawy and Pomorze province, in age between 16 and 24 years. Main research aim was attempt to answer the question: is current world geopolitical situation has an influence on distraction of feeling safety among young adults and their expectation about their own future.

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Политические устремления казахстанской молодежи

Author(s): Gulmira Abdiraiymova,Meruert Shnarbekova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2016

In the article data presented from the sociological research conducted in 2015 indicate that the participation of youth in politics and the interest is very low. Monitoring of political orientations in the projection on regional identity showed some significant differences: the youth of the “Northern”, “Western” and “Eastern” regions is with a tendency to the “troubled” perception of the political situation, while respondents of “Southern” and “Central” regions with the “neutral” assessment of and with a high degree of political tolerance and displaying the ability to political discourse. The political profile of young Kazakhs is characterized by a greater degree of uncertainty. Also, the boundaries of political preferences are blurred: the main factors of the formation of the ideological and political positions are to the greater extent cultural (preferences and stereotypes) rather than social factors.

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Methodological Challenges in Cross-comparative Surveys

Author(s): Bence Ságvári,Vera Messing,Dávid Simon / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

Our paper examines the validity of the rotating questionnaire block about perceptions about and attitudes towards democracy included in the sixth round of the European Social Survey (ESS). The preliminary assumptions that inspired our analysis were that respondents’ understanding of the questions formulated in such an internationally comparative survey may be challenged due to diverging theoretical constructions and narratives that feed historically developed notions of ‘democracy.’ Moreover, even within the same country people with a different socioeconomic, ethnic, and educational background may have different perceptions about the same questionnaire ‘items.’ We applied a multi-method approach to analyze the above metho-dological puzzle: a complex statistical analysis of the Hungarian ESS data served to help examine the consistency of answers to individual items and the entirety of the questionnaire block, while supplementary focus group research helped us apprehend the variety of interpretations of and perceptions about the individual items, as well as problems with understanding various terms included in the questions that assessed attitudes towards democracy. Our findings support the initial hypothesis: respondents had obvious difficulties understanding some of the items designed to assess attitudes towards democracy, while many others had differing interpretations. We conclude that even though the ESS is one of the most refined, well-prepared and validated comparative surveys in Europe, the related data cannot be analyzed without careful consideration of what the individual questions might mean in different contexts.

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