Sacrificing democratization for the sake of NEPAD. South Africa's relation with Zimbabwe in the early 2000's

Author(s): Dan Petrica / Language(s): English Issue: LIX, 2/2020

This article delves upon Zimbabwe’s 2002 suspension from the Commonwealth of Nations and the relentless efforts of South Africa and other peers to get that suspension lifted, in the context of continuous rebuttals from states such as the UK and Australia. The research piece touches primarily upon the underlying motives for the said suspension, as well as the reasoning behind the bandwagoning of nations on the ongoing issues plaguing Zimbabwe in the early 2000s. Furthermore, it tangentially covers themes such as: the balance within the Commonwealth, global North versus South interpretations of democracy – and the realities they produce, and the rationale of two-sided post-colonial narratives.

Wulgaryzmy w komunikowaniu politycznym

Author(s): Paweł Malendowicz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2020

Vulgarisms – called indecent words in the language of Polishlaw, occur in the process of political communication. It involves thetwo-way flow of political messages between broadcasters and recipientswith the participation of the media. Vulgarism is a lexical unit thatcan exist in public space thanks to the media, but the Internet is theentity that perpetuates it. Verifying this hypothesis is the aim of thearticle. Vulgarisms perform many functions in the process of politicalcommunication. The most important of them are: discrediting, escapist,catharsis, descriptive, entertainment, provocative, and – symbolically –representation, integrating, delimiting, mobilizing.

Emily Syndor (2019) Disrespectful Democracy. The Psychology of Political Incivility. New York: Columbia University Press. 243 pages

Author(s): Gabriella Szabó / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Eibl, Otto and Gregor, Miloš (eds.) (2019) Thirty years of political campaigning in Central and Eastern Europe. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. 426 pages

Author(s): Loren Koçollari / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Perceived Incentives and Barriers to Social Participation

Author(s): Sarmitė Mikulionienė,Gražina Rapolienė / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Social (non)participation is one of the key elements associated with social exclusion in old age. Scholarship about this topic tends to rely mainly on quantitative research from Western and Northern European countries. The aim of this article, based on qualitative interviews with older people (N=27) in Lithuania, is to give some insight into how older people in an Eastern European country experience social participation, and the reasons they offer for abstaining from engaging in it. Findings are contradictory: social participation is valued by older people for both direct and indirect reasons (e.g. a desire to simply be among people), but they hesitate to participate for a variety of reasons. The article contributes to the academic discussion by providing insights into older people’s perspectives about social participation, their preferences, and, in particular, the backdrop that particular organizations (such as the church) can play in promoting social participation and consequently strengthening the social inclusion of older adults in post-communist countries.

The Mobilization Potential of Political Parties among Hungarian Students

Author(s): Annamária Sebestyén / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

Situated in the literature that examines the reasons for the dearth of young party members, this article discusses the mobilization potential of political parties among the youth in light of research conducted among Hungarian university and college students (Active Youth Research, 2019). On the one hand, it analyses the mobilization propensity of Hungarian political parties, and on the other, examines to what extent party-political mobilization plays a role in encouraging young people’s involvement in party activities compared to other predisposing factors. Making use of the unique dataset, the study also investigates what attitudinal features distinguish party-politically active students from the rest of the student population. The results show that parties’ mobilization attempts are a principal factor in encouraging young people’s party participation in Hungary, although parties per se are not able to motivate them; politically stimulating family and peer groups and events that shape political views are also needed to set the stage for involvement. The article also finds that the political interest of party-politically active students is demonstrably higher than that of their counterparts, but both groups have rather negative views about Hungarian politics and are dissatisfied with the country’s democracy and present social conditions

Why Nationalism? Biographies and Motives of Participants in the Polish Nationalist Movement

Author(s): Justyna Kajta / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

The article is based on an analysis of four selected biographies of nationalist activists in Poland – taken from a larger sample of 30 biographical-narrative interviews conducted with members of organizations such as the All-Polish Youth, National Radical Camp, and National Rebirth of Poland (2011–2015). During the analysis of all of the collected interviews, three main biographical paths to the nationalist movement were distinguished: (a) an individual project (with two subtypes), (b) the influence of significant others, and (c) being ‘found’ by an organization. The paper explores four individuals’ life stories – each representing one of the paths – and takes a closer look at all three main paths, including the role of family political orientation, circle of friends, and interests. The analysis shows that the Polish nationalist movement can be seen as a space that allows individuals to meet their various needs (the need to resist the political and social situation in the country; to express their values, discontent, and opinions; to maintain a feeling of doing something valuable and important; to carry out social work, promote patriotism, and to engage in educational activities). Moreover, when it comes to explanations of the growing popularity of nationalism nowadays, it can be said that the nationalist movement involves people who are dissatisfied with politics and looking for grassroots alternatives; feel endangered by cultural (liberal) changes; are seeking a return to tradition and Catholicism; and who are looking for stronger narratives (those opposed to liberalism and postmodernism).

The Nationalist Turn in Youth Culture. Far-Right Political Sympathies and the Frames of National Belonging among Hungarian Youth

Author(s): Margit Feischmidt / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

This paper points to an important turn in youth culture which underpins increasing radical-right political sympathies and a propensity to national belonging and dignity-seeking among the youth. Qualitative analysis of 14 focus group interviews conducted in Hungary proves that the desire for political engagement of a significant segment of youth who have positioned themselves in opposition to a globalized youth culture and the apolitical stance of their generation. Inspired by cultural theories in political sociology that are also applied in the study of youth, and working with qualitative methods, this paper investigates the cultural dimension of radical-right politics and youth culture. The paper states that new forms of nationalism play a major role in the radical right turn among the youth by emphasizing the role of a general sense of disempowerment and disillusionment and claims for collective dignity which are framed in a hierarchical and mythical discourse about the nation. The major claim of this paper in this regard is that the renewal of nationalism and the commitment to the far-right in Hungary are closely connected.

The Czech Pirate Party. A New Alternative, Not Only for the Young

Author(s): Michal Pink,Adam Folvarčný / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

In 2017, in addition to the traditional, old, and more recently established political parties, a new formation – the Czech Pirate Party – espousing more participative principles, including the use of online platforms for discussions – arrived on the political scene in the Czech Republic. This newcomer to the parliamentary ecosystem, shortly after achieving success at the national level, also managed to attract significant support in local elections. For this reason, there is currently a Pirate Party parliamentary group present in the Chamber of Deputies (the lower chamber of the Czech parliament), while simultaneously the mayor of Prague and members of the ruling coalition in Brno – the second biggest city in the Czech Republic – also represent the Pirate Party. Furthermore, recent opinion polls show support for the Pirates running at about 14%. This is coupled with another new feature: the young age of the party’s elected parliamentarians and local councilors, which brings new challenges to politics. After the elections, a number of commentators immediately dubbed the Pirate Party a ‘youth party.’ But is this really the case? What forms of participation do the party and/or its members use and encourage? This article offers answers to these questions. In particular, it presents the electoral base of this new political party through interpretative analysis. The data are based on election results triangulated with other sources – specifically, a Czech election study is juxtaposed against a quantitative survey carried out by three academic institutions in the Czech Republic (the Faculty of Social Studies at Masaryk University, Brno; Palacký University, Olomouc; and the Institute of Sociology at the Czech Academy of Sciences, Prague). These statistical tools enable us to identify in great detail the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of Pirate Party voters (for instance: age, education, their views about contemporary democracy, and the timing of their decision to vote) and map their attitudes towards other parties and their leaders. The article reveals how popular the Czech Pirate Party is among the younger generation of voters, where the latter come from, and what political preferences they had previously.

Sarah Pickard and ‎Judith Bessant (eds.) (2018) Young People Re-Generating Politics in Times of Crises. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. 410 pages.

Author(s): Sumit Kumar / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

Félek tehát vagyok. Félelem mint politikai identitás

Author(s): Beáta Kovács / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2020

This theoretical study seeks to examine the connection between fear and political identity. It is proven that the emotional dimension plays an important role in the process of identity formation and identity-maintenance. In this article, I would like to argue that fear is a universal experience which in some way forms the identity of all and it can have a political relevance as well. The paper consists of two main parts. The fi rst chapter deals mainly with studies related to fear from the fi eld of social sciences, and it discusses its complex nature. It distinguishes between individual and social levels of fear, and it also differentiates between the universal and the constructed aspect of the studied phenomenon. The second part analyzes political identity as group identity, and it seeks to show the potential connection points between identity and fear. The most important result of this paper is that it contributes to a topic that is relatively unexplored in the fi eld of political science in Hungary, and it also intends to provide inspiration for future empirical studies.

Are Revolutions Made or Do They Come?

Author(s): Cyril Lobonț / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

Revolutions do not occur spontaneously. An array of conditions must be satisfied if a revolution is to be carried out successfully. The main point of this essay is that, whilst most revolutions have revolutionary elites behind them, not all revolutions are 'made'. Using the example of the Romanian Revolution of 1989, it will be argued that there are, in fact, conditions under which revolution can 'come' when society is pushed to some form of 'breaking point', often triggered by an event which causes popular outrage which acts as the platform for a broader anti-regime movement.

Négy dudás, négy csárda, egy kotta? A baloldal és a közép kispártjainak összehasonlító elemzése szervezeti felépítés és párttagság tekintetében

Author(s): Dániel Kovarek / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2020

There is a vast scholarship on political elites, voters and ideological positions of major Hungarian parties (Fidesz, MSZP or Jobbik), but we know relatively little about smaller, yet relevant opposition parties. This study undertakes to compare four leftist and liberal parties: LMP, Együtt, Párbeszéd and Momentum, based on their organizational build-up and membership, primarily relying on their party charters for conducting the analysis. The paper argues that this approach offers fresh insights concerning intra-party dynamics and political elites, revealing a few marked differences between parties that otherwise have a shared history of fielding joint candidates. A comparative analysis of party charters reveals important findings on the relationship between ideology and organizational structure. It also identifies inter-party variance with respect to elements of direct democracy and reliance on quotas for filling intraparty positions. Disconfirming one of its initial hypotheses, the paper finds that these parties employ a rather tiresome and selective procedure for accepting new members, limiting their ability to expand and grow in terms of membership. Results call for further scrutiny of competing power centers within parties' organizational structure, as well as central party elites’ socialization experiences leading to distinct institutional choices.

A gödörben az a lényeg, hogy ne ássunk tovább

Author(s): Attila Baki,László Gyurovszky / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2021

The paper summarizes and documents the voter turnout and election results of politically divided Hungarians in Slovakia over the past thirty years. The published analyses can help the ethnic minority to be effective in its future strategic plans.

Do political or ethnic and historical borders affect values and beliefs more? Some evidence from Central Europe

Author(s): Pál Czeglédi / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2021

The paper uses data from the World Values Survey and the European Values Study on individuals in Hungary and its neighbouring countries to examine the effects of political borders on different beliefs, as opposed to that of ethnic differences or historical borders. The focus on Hungary and its neighbours is explained by the fact that parts of the Hungarian ethno-linguistic community can be found in all these countries, which makes it possible to separate the effect of culture from that of the current political community. By applying a cultural gravity model which is concerned with the differences in beliefs between all possible pairs of individuals in the sample, the paper finds that out of five areas of beliefs, it is the beliefs regarding work, markets, and democracy whose differences are robustly affected by political borders, giving some support to the approach which argues that values are shaped through the dialogue occurring within a political community.

Cleavages and political pluralism in the small municipality in Czech Republic

Author(s): Sylvie Kobzev Kotaskova, / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2015

This paper deals with the issue of the existence cleavages in rural communities in the Czech Republic. The paper is focused on an analysis of the party system in small municipality Kamenna and the pluralism and the political environment in the municipality of Kamenna. This paper aims to clarify the formation of cleavage in the given municipality. A partial aim is to analyse the voting behaviour in the municipality, as well as a subsequent evaluation of the political participation of the residents of the Kamenna municipality. In the analysis of voting behaviour, the paper focuses on analysing the dispersion of electoral votes and subsequent evaluation of how voters vote.

Zastupljenost populističkih stranaka u nacionalnom i evropskom parlamentu, slučaj Češke i Slovačke

Author(s): Dušan Piksiades / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 19/2020

In the last few decades, the political scene in Europe has been undergoing significant changes. Electoral will of the people has shifted, which have led to some changes in the election of different political parties that would represent them on various levels of government. That led to the popularization of options on the left, as well as the right side of the political spectrum that can be all mark by the same name – populist parties. Populist parties have been leaving political actions of traditional parties aside, therefore being a force of change in the country that are in economic and political turmoil. Support for populist parties is most recognized in Eastern Europe, in the countries that were signers of the former Warsaw Pact. Undeniably in a worse state than their Western counterparts, East European nations have been prone to more changes in political representations, on national and EU levels. Czechia and Slovakia, parts of former Czechoslovakia, haven’t had big problems of their union, unlike most East-European countries. Both countries are parts of the EU today, but they have populists as heads of their government, either on the left or the right. This paper will present the involvement of populist parties in national and EU parliament. Next to that, it will explore the economic situation in Czechia and Slovakia. The hypothesis of the paper is that populist parties have a significant acceptance among people in lower developed regions, while the electoral results in more developed regions is more diverse.

Друштвене мреже и политички ангажман студената у Србији

Author(s): Neven Obradović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 25/2021

The subject of this paper is the influence of social media on the online and offline political engagement of students in Serbia. With their interactive infrastructure and the incorporation in the field of political communication, social media have enabled their users the opportunity to engage politically in different ways. The primary goal of the empirical research is to determine whether the use of social media leads to the political engagement of students in the online environment and real life in the Republic of Serbia. In this regard, the main hypothesis of the research is – the use of social media results in the political engagement of students in the Republic of Serbia both in the online environment and real life. The research sample (N=554), consists of the students of the University of Belgrade, the University of Novi Sad and the University of Niš, aged 19–24. The results of the research indicated that the use of social media does not lead to the political engagement of youth in the online environment and real life.

McMindfulness: How Mindfulness Became the New Capitalist Spirituality, by Ronald Purser (Repeater Books, 2019)

Author(s): Majd Jamal Hammoudeh / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

Review of McMindfulness: How Mindfulness Became the New Capitalist Spirituality, by Ronald Purser (Repeater Books, 2019)

A Sin or a Health Issue?

Author(s): Iga Katarzyna Jeziorska / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

Aims. There are significant differences in harm reduction services availability and performance in various countries. The paper examines the state of one of the harm reduction interventions – needle exchange services – through the lenses of morality policy, attempting to establish possible relationships between policy framing and policy outcomes. Method. The research uses an explorative design with cross-country comparison. The unit of analysis is drug policy in a country, and the geographical scope includes Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, following the maximum variation case selection procedure. Countries’ drug strategies are analysed to identify the policy frames and data on needle exchange programmes are used to assess the state of harm reduction. Results. The analysis identified health and social drug policy framing in Czechia and Slovakia, morality frame in Hungary and no frame in Poland. The availability of availability and coverage of needle exchange programmes is the highest in Czechia, followed by Slovakia, Hungary and Poland. Conclusions. The Hungarian case confirms the relationship between morality framing and poor policy outcomes, while the Czech case between health framing and effective policy. Further research is needed to establish the function of morality framing as necessary and/or sufficient condition for unsatisfactory policy outcomes.