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Antiratni pokret u Bosni i Hercegovini devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća

Author(s): Edin Omerčić / Language(s): Bosnian

U tekstu će biti riječi o postojanju širokog kruga političke, intlektualne i kulturno-umjetničke opozicije koja je od kraja osamdesetih godina radila prije svega na iznalaženju rješenja izlaska iz jugoslovenske krize, potom na spriječavanju izbijanja ratnih sukoba, te na okončanju istih, odnosno kroz kulturno-umjetnički angažman tokom rata nastojala ukazati na stradanja civilnog stanovništva. Građom i izvorima koji se iznose i koriste u tekstu pokušava se tema osvijetliti iz više različitih perspektiva. U prvom dijelu teksta ukratko se izlaže kontekst u kojem su djelovale nenacionalističke organizacije i političke stranke, antiratna i građanska udruženja. Zatim će se ukazati na masovne antiratne proteste i na pojedinačne individualane pokušaje adaptacije stanovništva na novonastale ratne okolnosti.

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ZBORNIK RADOVA TREĆE AKADEMIJE POLITIČKE ODGOVORNOSTI

Author(s): Zlatiborka Popov Momčinović,Alen Kristić,Nasiha Pozder,Željko Ivanković,Dino Abazović,Drago Bojić,Sabina Čehajić-Clancy,Vjekoslav Domljan,Sarina Bakić,Ivan Šarčević / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian

Fondacija Boris Divković formirana je u ljeto 2013. godine u Sarajevu. Ideja osnivača je da se kroz rad Fondacije što veći broj mladih ljudi, kako u našoj zemlji tako i u regiji, upozna i uči odgovornoj političkoj teoriji i praksi. Iako Fondacija djeluje na socijalno liberalnim polazištima, odlučilo se ovim obrazovnim procesom obuhvatiti i mlade ljude koji su dijelom različitih organizacija, političkih ili nevladinih, drugačijih ubjeđenja, ali i one koji individualno žele unaprijediti svoja znanja o političkoj kulturi. Pitanje sprege morala i politike bilo je od velike važnosti za našeg kolegu Borisa Divkovića i upravo je jedna od prvih značajnijih aktivnosti Fondacije organizacija Akademije političke odgovornosti u kojoj su učestvovali mladi brojnih političkih orijentacija i profila. U novembru 2016. godine održana je treća Akademija političke odgovornosti, a zbog velikog interesa polaznika u maju ove godine organiziran je i njen drugi modul. Teme su obuhvatile: opšti pojam političke kulture, njen razvoj i važnost, dominantnu paradigmu regionalne političke kulture iz perspektive koncepcije svjetskog etosa, religiju kao podcjenjeno mjesto političke socijalizacije. Razgovarali smo o ekonomiji u području politike, kulturi sjećanja. Također, predstavljeni su globalni politički portreti ličnosti poput Vaclava Havela i Wangari Muta Maathai, te regionalni politički portreti kao što su: Zoran Đinđić, Vlado Gotovac, Bogić Bogićević I Boris Divković. Drugi modul išao je detaljno u političko-ekonomske paradigme sa stajališta svjetskog etosa, religiozne socijalne nauke, itd. Posebna pažnja posvećena je ekološkim temama.

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Protecția temporară a cetățenilor ucraineni, ca urmare a invaziei militare ruse din Ucraina

Author(s): Bianca-Ioana Petcu / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Following the military invasion by the forces of the Russian army launched on 24.02.2022 in Ukraine, at the level of its neighboring states and beyond, there was a massive influx of people displaced from this country, the groups of people being made up both from Ukrainian citizens and and from citizens of other states that, at the time of the invasion, were living in or transiting Ukraine. This aspect determined the creation of a mechanism for quick and appropriate measures both at European and national level to manage this phenomenon. At the European level, on 04.03.2023, the Council issued the Decision (EU) 2022/382 and activated the temporary protection provided by Directive 2001/55/EC regarding the minimum standards for granting temporary protection, in the event of a massive influx of displaced persons, and the measures to promote a balance between the efforts of the member states to welcome these people and bear the consequences of this reception, all displaced persons from Ukraine, who entered the territory of the EU after 24.02.2022, benefiting from this measure. At the national level, on 18.03.2022, it was issued the Government Decision no. 367 regarding the establishment of conditions for ensuring temporary protection as well as for the modification and completion of some normative acts in the field of foreigners, which regulated the granting of temporary protection on the territory of Romania. Temporary protection is an emergency mechanism that applies in the event of a massive influx of people and aims to provide immediate and collective protection. The aim is to ease pressure on national asylum systems and allow displaced people to enjoy harmonized rights across the European Union.

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BETWEEN THE TWO WORLD WARS (1918-1941)

Author(s): Mario Jareb,Hrvoje Čapo / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Between the two world wars, the Croatian society developed in a multinational state under the rule of the Serbian royal dynasty of Karađorđević. The newly created Yugoslavia was, as Robert Gerwarth has observed in his book The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End, 1917-1923 (p. 14) a “‘multi-national empire in miniature’, but ‘with reversed ethnic hierarchies’ than the failed Austro-Hungary Monarchy.” There are several reasons why the State of SCS united with the Kingdom of Serbia, the key ones being the military-political goals of Serbia and Italy. The Kingdom of Serbia announced at the very beginning of the war that it would fight to achieve this goal and the Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pašić understood unification as expanding the territory and creating a Greater Serbia. Furthermore, a group of Croatian, Slovenian, and Serbian politicians who had been working abroad as the Yugoslav Committee since 1915 advocated South Slavic unification. This group vehemently opposed the provisions of the secret Treaty of London of 1915, which promised Italy the Eastern Adriatic with a majority Croat population in exchange for entering the war on the side of the Entente. Finally, in the weakened Austro-Hungarian monarchy, a Yugoslav club of Croatian and Slovenian politicians who advocated a trialistic arrangement of the Monarchy was active from 1917. The Kingdom of Serbia had an international reputation and position that exceeded the influence of the Yugoslav Committee with which it negotiated the draft of the future state. The most specific result of their cooperation was the Corfu Declaration of July 1917, by which Nikola Pašić on behalf of Serbia and Ante Trumbić on behalf of the Yugoslav Committee confirmed that the new state would be based on the principles of equality and freedom of choice – only the instruments ensuring the protection of the citizens of the State of SCS were not envisaged. The state of SCS was basically an unacknowledged state formed on the ruins of the Habsburg Monarchy, as it was only recognized by the Kingdom of Serbia. It was clear that it was only a transitional solution towards unification with Serbia.

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WORLD WAR II

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

When Hitler decided to invade Yugoslavia and destroy it as a state, his representatives contacted the largest Croatian political party – the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS). The Germans wanted the party’s leader, Vladko Maček, to head the new, independent Croatia after the break-up of Yugoslavia. But Maček rejected the proposal. Then the Ger-mans turned to the Ustasha organization in Croatia and its leader Slavko Kvaternik declared the independent Croatia on April 10, 1941, the same day when the German army entered Zagreb. The Kingdom of Italy had previously supported the Ustasha organization, but after the assassination of the Yugoslav King Alexander Karađorđević in Marseille in 1934, organized by the Ustashas, the Italians restricted the activities of the Ustasha organization in their territory. In the circumstances of preparations for the attack on Yugoslavia, the Italians organized the passage of several hundred Ustashas led by Ante Pavelić to Croatia.

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IN SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA 1945-1990

Author(s): Zdenko Radelić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The KPJ publicly advocated democracy, private property, a just solution to the social and national issues, and freedom and equality for all nations in Yugoslavia. Its leaders claimed that the goal of the partisan movement was liberation and popular democracy. However, contrary to the declared nationwide breadth of the People’s Liberation Movement, the KPJ held the army, the security apparatus, and the propaganda. The agreement between Josip Broz Tito and Ivan Šubašić that the citizens of Yugoslavia would be the ones to decide on the state system after the war was an important precondition for the international recognition of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia (Demokratska Federalna Jugoslavija, DFJ) by the Allied powers. But the monopoly over the partisan movement enabled the Communists to create the preconditions for imposing their dictatorship. Thus, the KPJ used the struggle for the liberation of Yugoslavia – in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina also for the overthrow of the NDH – and for resolving the national question to seize power and carry out the Communist revolution. It also meant abolishing all other parties and introducing a dictatorship. Part of the HSS leadership and its president Vladko Maček fled the country just before the partisans arrived in Zagreb in 1945. The HSS operated abroad under Maček’s leadership until his death in 1964 in the United States, when he was replaced by the party’s vice president, Juraj Krnjević. August Košutić, the party’s secretary, remained in the country, where after trying to cooperate with the Communists and join the partisans he was interned and completely marginalized by the new government. In addition to the HSS, there were individuals, parties, and organizations from the Ustasha movement who were politically active in exile, including Ante Pavelić, who died in 1959 in Spain of wounds obtained in an assassination attempt.

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THE HOMELAND WAR

Author(s): Davor Marijan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Croatia began the transition from Communism to democracy on May 30, 1990, when the first multi-party Parliament was constituted. The amendments to the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia (SRH), adopted on July 25, cleansed the system of socialist legal terminology. Franjo Tuđman, President of the SRH Presidency, became the President of the Republic of Croatia and the main figure in Croatian politics. The process of constituting a new government was completed on December 22, 1990 with the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Croatia was defined as “the national state of the Croatian people and the state of members of other peoples and minorities, who are its citizens: Serbs, Muslims, Slovenes, Czechs, Slovaks, Italians, Hungarians, Jews, and others, who are guaranteed equality with Croatian citizens and the realization of their national rights in accordance with the democratic norms” of the United Nations and “the countries of the free world.” In relation to the 1974 Constitution, which was drafted in such a way that Croatia was “equally divided” between Croats and Serbs, the difference was in the listing of other peoples and nationalities, which relativized the earlier division. The attitude towards Yugoslavia was determined by the view that “the Republic of Croatia remains part of the SFRY until a new agreement between the Yugoslav republics is reached, or until the Parliament of the Republic of Croatia decides otherwise.”

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Scénáře světové politiky 2012–2013

Author(s): Tomáš Weiss,Vít Střítecký,Lucia Najšlová,Petr Kratochvíl,Michal Kořan,Nik Hynek,Vladimír Handl,Rudolf Fürst,Jan Eichler,Mats Braun,Vít Beneš / Language(s): Czech

The document presents a collection of speculative scenarios for world politics in 2012-2013, employing a scenario-building method to enrich foreign policy debate. It discusses the potential impacts of various global and regional developments on the Czech Republic and the EU, including fiscal pacts, the role of Germany in the Eurozone, Central European dynamics, EU relations with Turkey and China, the aftermath of American elections, the Iranian crisis, the situation in Afghanistan, the Asia-Pacific region, and Russian elections. The scenarios are not precise forecasts but internally consistent hypotheses that connect actors with future effects, aiming to capture key dynamics and possible consequences of otherwise conceivable actions.

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World Politics: Scenarios 2012–2013

Author(s): Vít Beneš,Mitchell Belfer,Mats Braun,Jan Eichler,Rudolf Fürst,Vladimír Handl,Nik Hynek,Michal Kořan,Petr Kratochvíl,Lucia Najšlová,Vít Střítecký,Tomáš Weiss / Language(s): English

Scenario building was first introduced in the U.S. security community in the 1950s. In RAND projects, “scenarios” (with the term consciously borrowed from the Holywood film industry to emphasize their storytelling character) evolved into a sophisticated auxiliary means of political decision-making. The method was thus born from the spirit of the Cold War, yet soon it found its way into the private sector, where it has served to manage corporate risk. More recently, scenarios witnessed a rise in popularity also in the think tank community as outcomes relevant for policy makers due to their potential to bridge theoretical knowledge with the needs of political practice (early warning potential) and as a means of broadening and deepening the space for public debate about global politics.

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Germany in the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Vladimír Handl / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Czech policy vis-a-vis Germany experienced mostly positive dynamics but also a lack of coherence. Existential interests were not at stake – on the contrary, they constituted a positive background for the relations: Czechs and Germans as allies guarantee each other’s security, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

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West European Countries in the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Mats Braun,Elsa Tulmets,Ondřej Ditrych / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Czech relations with countries covered in this chapter – both EU Member States and others (including microstates) – shared certain general characteristics. Without exception, they involved no issues that would be a subject of major controversy. Secondly, with but a few exceptions, these relations were conducted within a network, or at least through a network, of the EU multilateral frame. The reason for the dominance of the EU framework in the conduct of bilateral relations is primarily the importance of the political process at the EU level both for Member States and their West European neighbours due to a high degree of mutual interdependence and the increasing scope of EU’s allocative and distributive policies. Several government officials throughout the period covered in this volume estimated that up to 80% of the relations of Czech Republic with those countries take place at the EU level. However, this does not result in a decline of the bilateral dimension of mutual relations, as could be expected, but rather in their conduct in a new environment of a burgeoning political system, where the need to negotiate issue coalitions increases. Bilateral negotiations remain an important diplomatic means of this ‘permanent congress’. The last shared feature of Czech foreign policy towards the countries covered in this chapter is that it generally took place in conditions of a political pluralism, which was made possible by the countries’ location within the EU framework. The process of Czech foreign policy involved a considerable number of government actors – all of which should theoretically act in the public interest – without the mediation by traditional diplomacy and conduct through its standard channels. This new pluralism represents one of the central challenges for Czech foreign policy, since without proper coordination it leads to a suboptimal use of (necessarily limited) resources in realizing public interest abroad.

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The Middle East, the Mediterranean and Afghanistan in the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Jaroslav Bureš / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Mediterranean and the Middle East, although they did not fall under the priorities of Czech foreign policy after 1989, had to be taken into account by the Czech Republic after it joined NATO and the EU due to the wider interest of the trans-Atlantic allies in regional stability and security. For this reason, issues like terrorism, immigration, the Middle East peace process, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, peacekeeping missions, and the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation were among the most frequently discussed topics in the Czech political scene during the 2000s. The Middle East agenda have affected our relations with allies and they have been the subject of home competition on left-right axis. The only long-term Czech interest relating to the region was the mainly rightist government’s attempt to reduce the Czech Republic’s one-sided dependence on imports of Russian oil and gas, which was demonstrated by the support for the Nabucco pipeline project during the Czech EU presidency.

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