21. YÜZYILIN İDEOLOJİK GÜÇ MÜCADELESİ: ULUSLARARASI SİSTEMİN DEĞİŞEN DOĞASINI ANLAMAK

Author(s): Kaan Yigenoglu / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2018

The basic ideological conflict of the 20th century was between capitalism and socialism. This conflict occurred between the supporters of the capitalist ideology and those opposing the capitalist ideology. In the 21st century, this ideological clash is witnessed to be evolved. The basic ideological conflict of the 21st century is between globalists and capitalists. The conflict between globalists and capitalists is developing between different factions of capitalist ideology, not between oppositionists of capitalist ideology and their opponents. These developments need to be evaluated in the context of this new ideological conflict. In this work, the development of the international system is evaluated within the framework of different ideologies, and then the analysis of change in the ideological power struggle is being conducted in the 21st century. Finally, the conflict of ideologies and the process of unification are explained.

Alexei’aus Yurchako politiškumo samprata ir vėlyvojo Sovietmečio paradoksai

Author(s): Jurate Kavaliauskaite / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 02/2014

The article examines the concept of the political, and it’s relationship to the Late Soviet Socialism, adressed in the Sovietology oeuvre of Proffesor Alexei Yurchak. The question is raised whether the claim about inner paradoxes of the late Soviet system as a single discursive formation can be substantiated without addressing the probability of more fundamental discursive divisions, splits and multiplicities structuring life of the post-Stalinist epoch. The critical analysis of such concepts as „authoritative discourse“ and discursive „performative shift“ reveals contradictions of author‘s conceptual attempt to explain the legitimacy of the late Soviet system, as well as elucidates why the issue of the Soviet as the political remains suspended in the analytical shema of Yurchak.

Algılanan Ayrımcılık ve Sosyal Kimlik İlişkisi: Türk ve Kürt Etnik Grupları Üzerine Bir Çalışma

Author(s): Ercan Sen / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 11/2017

The purpose of the present study is to compare Turks and Kurds in the context of ethnic identification, perceived individual ethnic discrimination against Kurds and perceived group discrimination against Kurds. The sample composed of 224 Turkish and 240 Kurdish participants were asked to answer Importance of Collective Identity Scale and perceived Discrimination Scale. Results were discussed within the framework of Social Identity Theory. According to results, Turkish and Kurdish ethnic groups differed in the context of ethnic identification and perceived discrimination subscales. Comparing to Turkish participants, Kurdish participants show a higher level of ethnic identification, perceived individual ethnic discrimination and perceived group discrimination against Kurds. Ethnic identification level predicted Turkish participants’ perceived individual ethnic discrimination against Kurds and perceived group discrimination against Kurds in the negative direction. Despite that, ethnic identification level predicted in the positive direction for Kurdish participants. Additionally, being affected by conflict in East and Southeast Anatolia significantly predicted perceived individual ethnic discrimination and perceived group discrimination against Kurds in the positive direction for Kurdish participants.

Alina Bârgăoanu, Loredana Radu and Diego Varela (eds.): United By or Against Euroscepticism? An Assessment of Public Attitudes towards Europe in the Context of the Crisis

Author(s): Raluca Buturoiu / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

Am asistat la falimentul rețetei de campanie electorală de tip clasic

Author(s): Lumini?a KOHALMI,Sabin DRAGULIN / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 9/2015

Interview with Dan Sorin MIHALACHE

AMERİKA’NIN ARAP BAHARI SIRASINDA SURİYE’DE Kİ ÇEVRELEME POLİTİKASINI KIRMAK İÇİN RUSYA VE ÇİN ELELE VERDİLER

Author(s): Hanefi Yazici / Language(s): English / Issue: 27/2015

Russian and Chinese leaders fear that the Western-backed revolts against the authoritarian governments of the Middle East might encourage similar resistance among their own people. Particularly, Russia and China worry about any military intervention of the Western countries in Syria although there has been no preparation for a military intervention and the USA has not decided on a military operation. Nevertheless, both Russia and China emphasize such a probability, alleging that Syria is to be a second Libya as result thereof. In this context, they have drawn two lessons from the military intervention in Libya: that the political transformation took an early start brought along chaos and calamity. In fact, the armed military interventions of the West in the Middle East have only induced destructive consequences.

Ar politinis aktyvumas skatina subjektyvią gerovę: ką rodo Europos socialinio tyrimo duomenys

Author(s): Ligita Šarkute / Language(s): English / Issue: 21/2017

Background. There are quite a few studies about the connection between political activism and subjective wellbeing. The main problem is that most of such research has been done using student samples but not all the population. Purpose. The purpose of this study was to analyse the connection between political activism and subjective wellbeing using representative sample of the European population. The main research question is whether political activism is positively related to subjective wellbeing. Methods and data. This article is based on European Social Survey data of the 6th round, mainly on the data of the rotating module “Personal and Social Wellbeing” and core modules “Media and Social Trust” and “Politics”. Interviews were carried out with 54 673 respondents aged 15 and over in 29 European countries. The method of statistical data analysis was the correlation analysis of measures of political activism and measures of subjective wellbeing (Pearson’s r coefficient). Results. Results indicated statistically significant correlations between the indicators of political activism and dimensions of subjective wellbeing. Conclusions. Political activism induces subjective wellbeing and is a prerequisite to feeling good. All the indicators of subjective wellbeing correlated with at least two indicators of political activism. These correlations were mainly positive, with a few exceptions of unconventional political activism. The strongest positive and statistically significant correlations between the indicators of political activism are with items of community wellbeing and supportive relationships.Į

ARAP İSYANLARI SIRASINDA MISIR’DA ORDUNUN DEMOKRATİK DÖNÜŞÜMDEKİ ROLÜ

Author(s): Hanefi Yazici / Language(s): English / Issue: 26/2015

Just after the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia in 2011, mass protests against Mubarak regime broke out and he had to resign handing power to the army. Many people in Egypt called Mubarak as “the last pharaoh” since he ruled the country for nearly thirty years like a monarch and his regime was believed unmovable as the pyramids. On the other hand, it was one of the most important allies of the United States in the region that is whatever occurs in Egypt would cause significant consequences for the Middle East. After the free elections in Egypt, Morsi became the president but within a year thousands of people filled Tahrir Square shouting their slogans such as “the army and the people hand in hand” and as a result, the army did not want to protect a president who lost power. This time, the protesters who achieved to overthrow Mubarak regime were celebrating a coup d’état by the military. As a result, the army decided to call for new elections taking power from the elected legitimate President Morsi.

AUTORITARNOST I POLITIČKA KOGNICIJA

Author(s): Zoran Pavlovic,Bojan Todosijevic / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2017

This study analyses the linkage between authoritarianism and three indicators that describe one’s general cognitive orientation towards the world of politics: political knowledge, general interest in politics, and interest in the election campaign. Individuals high in authoritarianism are hypothesized to be less politically competent and less interested in politics, due to their resistance to adopting new information and to changing the adopted beliefs. This hypothesis is based on the classical description of the authoritarian personality, but it has not been adequately empirically verified yet. The data are taken from a post-election public opinion survey conducted in 2012 after the presidential and parliamentary elections, on a random sample of voting age citizens of Serbia (N = 1568). The results show that authoritarianism and the level of political knowledge are significantly and negatively correlated, even after controlling for the basic sociodemographic variables. The intensity of political interest is not significantly correlated with authoritarianism. Additional comparison of the misinformed and uninformed groups (those who provided incorrect answers, and those who answered “don’t know”, respectively) did not support the view that authoritarian persons are more inclined to erroneously guess an answer than to simply say “don’t know”. The study concludes that the association between political knowledge and authoritarianism is based on deeper psychological roots, while the (lack of) association with political interest is likely to be con-text-dependent.

Brief Implicit Association Test: Validity and utility in prediction of voting behavior

Author(s): Maša D. Pavlovic,Iris Žeželj / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2013

We employed the Brief Implicit Association Test (a recently developed short version of IAT) to measure implicit political attitudes toward four political parties running for Serbian parliament. To test its criterion validity, we measured voting intention and actual voting behavior. In addition, we introduced political involvement as a potential moderator of the BIAT’s predictive and incremental validity. The BIAT demonstrated good internal and predictive validity, but lacked incremental validity over self-report measures. Predictive power of the BIAT was moderated by political involvement – the BIAT scores were stronger predictors of voting intention and behavior among voters highly involved in politics.

Cadrajele mediatice și dezbaterea prezidențială. Studiu de caz

Author(s): Monica PATRU? / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 9/2015

The final debate represents the most broadcasted event of the electoral campaign for the presidential title. Considered risky by the candidates, awaited by the citizens, the final debate succeeds to inform and entertain in the same time. With both their assets and clumsiness, the candidates are faced with each other in order to introduce themselves to the electors and to ask for their votes. In this article I have introduced a short presentation of the presidential debates from the post-Decembrist Romania, followed by an analysis of the 2014 debate, where I have included the first round of the debate hosted by Realitatea TV, and the second one, broadcasted by B1 TV. I have used as a basis the framing theory, and as research method, the content analysis. From la Semetko & Valkenburg (2000) I have taken the classical grid of analysis of the five frames (the attribution of responsibility, the human interest, the conflict, the morality, and the economical ones), and I have watched the prevailing framings within the presidential debate broadcasted by the two televisions. I have also made an analysis on which are the most prominent themes approached by the two rival political actors during the debate. According to the previous research in this field, for both candidates the dominant frame was the conflictual one, followed by the moral-legal one, and by the attribution of responsibility. Surprising is only the economical-consequences frame representation, which lacked consistence. The themes which carried the highest weight in the presidential debate were those related to the weak organization of the elections for the Romanian citizens who voted abroad, the suspension of the amnesty and pardon law, the enforcement of the anti-corruption fight and the support of the authorised institutions, the institutional collaboration between the president and the prime-minister, Romania’s relationships with the foreign partners, and future strategies for the economical-development of the country.

Collective Memory: A Universal Phenomenon the Palestinian Collective Memory as a Case Study

Author(s): Asad Taffal / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2015

This paper discusses the issue of collective memory as a phenomenon experienced by different human civilisations and nations. It attempts to explain the historical events that influenced the collective memory of different human populations over the course of history. It describes some of the examples of the deportation and exoduses of people, and the impacts they had on those people’s collective memories. Furthermore, the paper discusses the relationship between collective memory and globalisation. It then presents the Palestinian collective memory as a case study, and shows how the Palestinian culture and heritage has been affected by the 1948 Exodus. The paper attempts also to explain the channels and methods through which Palestinian collective memory is passed down the generations, and how this process is reinforced. Finally, it provides a number of recommendations and methods through which collective memory in general, and the Palestinian one in particular, can be protected and maintained across the various generations.

Creating Suspicion and Vigilance

Using Enemy Images for Hindering Mobilization

Author(s): Ákos Kopper,Pál Susánszky,Gergely Tóth,Márton Gero / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2017

In recent years, many theoretical and empirical analyses about the changing regimes of Central and Eastern Europe have been written, pointing out the authoritarian tendencies and radicalization in the region. Hungary is a significant case in the changing landscape of Central and Eastern Europe. The right-wing government rules the country with incontestable force, despising and disrespecting the norms of liberal democracies. Although the general impression is that the government has such a strong grip on power that resisting it is futile, in fact, it only enjoys only the support of 30 per cent of Hungarian citizens. Thus, it would be reasonable to expect the opposition to be able to effectively mobilize against the regime. In reality, no political opponent seems to stand a chance of defeating it. In order to explain why this is so, we focus on the way Orbán constantly creates images of ‘the enemy’ that keep alive an atmosphere of vigilance that blocks the efforts of critical actors to efficiently mobilize citizens. Since the political system in Hungary is highly centralized, the prime-minister’s speeches epitomize the logic and ideology of the regime. Our aim is to understand the mechanism through which the dominant political actors frame the enemy in a system of images, thereby creating an environment where critical actors are stripped of the resources needed to mobilize against them.

Da li je populizam neizbežan sastojak politike u Srbiji?

Author(s): Zoran Stojiljkovic,Dušan Spasojevic,Jelena Loncar / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Populism is a growing phenomenon in contemporary politics. Populist parties, that once occupied the margins of the political scene, are increasingly gaining importance and visibility. On the other hand, this trend is getting its special shape in Eastern Europe in the form of the Hungarian party Fidesz and its leader Viktor Orban, who has already been in power for the last six years with undiminished share of populist policies. Similar characteristics (to a lesser extent) can be seen in the cases of other countries, such as Serbia, Poland or Macedonia. The initial aim of this paper is to consider the concept of populism and to offer a definition, that would be rooted in a theoretically highly developed field of populism research in Western Europe, but which would also reflect new trends in transitional democracies. The second aim of our paper is to analyze the social and institutional characteristics of the transitional Serbia and answer the question of whether these features encourage populist behavior of political actors. Basic dimensions of the analysis are the institutionalization of party systems on the one hand, and on the other hand, the analysis of social capital and opportunities for citizens to influence political processes to a significant extent.

DAYTONSKI SPORAZUM

Author(s): Ivo Komšic / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

DAYTONSKI SPORAZUM

Author(s): Ivo Komšic / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian / Issue: 1/2016

Democratic Values, Emotions and Emotivism

Author(s): Bojan Vranic / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2016

The aim of this paper is to explore the relation between democratic values and emotions. The author argues that democratic values and emotional judgments are inter-reducible: political agents use emotional judgments to reflexively evaluate normative paradigms of political life. In the first part of the paper, the author describes the state of emotions in contemporary political philosophy and identifies Charles Stevenson’s ethical conception of emotivism as the first comprehensive attempt to neutrally conceptualize emotions in moral and political thinking. The second part of the paper explores the shortcomings of emotivism and finds an adequate alternative in Martha Nussbaum’s concept of emotional judgment as the one that contains beliefs and values about social objects. In the final part of the paper, the author identifies that moral and political disagreements emerge in democracies from ranking of the importance of political objects. The evaluation criteria for this type of ranking is derived from democratic values which are reducible to agents’ emotional judgments.

Did socio-political changes in Serbia changed the level of authoritarianism and ethnocentrism of citizens?

Author(s): Mikloš Biro,Vladimir Mihic,Petar Milin,Svetlana Logar / Language(s): English / Issue: 1-2/2002

The subject of this paper is the comparison of the results of the survey of public opinion before and after the change of the regime in Serbia as of 5th October 2000. Both researches (May 2000 and June 2001) were field researches, reaching for households, using random sample of the citizens of Serbia, without Kosovo. The obtained results show that the change of regime in Serbia was followed with the change in the sense of decreased expression of authoritarianism and ethnocentrism after one year of democratic rule. However, the question which still remains is - whether the registered change is the result of social-political circumstances, and whether it is the reflection of essential changes of value systems, or just different experience of social desirability of particular attitudes.

Doświadczenie Zagłady w "Ocalałym z Warszawy" op. 46 Arnolda Schönberga: geneza, dzieło, interpretacja

Author(s): Iwona Sowinska-Fruhtrunk / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2016

The purpose of this paper is to examine the way in which the experience of the Holocaust can be represented, embodied and even relived in or through music. The category of experience thus serves as a main methodological tool in this survey, helping to reconstitute the process of expressing it through music, specifically in Arnold Schoenberg’s A Survivor from Warsaw Op. 46. A related point to consider is the composer’s engagement in the fight for human rights just before the World War II, a fact that is not yet widely recognized. A brief overview of Schoenberg’s religious, social, and political environment is followed by the history of the Survivor’s… origins, analysis of its literary text, and, finally, interpretation. While discussing the ethical limits of the Holocaust representation, the opinions of Theodor W. Adorno, Ernst van Alphen, Berel Lang, and Giorgio Agamben are consulted.

'Durumsal Muhafazakarlık' Anlayışı Üzerine Teorik & Eleştirel Bir Değerlendirme

Author(s): Fatih Duman / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2017

This study focuses on the discussion of ‘conservatism’. Important theoretical discussions have been made within the framework of what it means as a concept and how it should be defined. The concept of conservatism is reconstructed from different perspectives and is interpreted in different contexts based on different theoretical viewpoints and gains functionality. These different perspectives naturally may lead to separate consequences at the social and political levels. At this point, we come across different concepts used to define conservatism: Darwinian/Evolutionary conservatism, metaphysical conservatism, historical/peculiar conservatism, conservatism as a doctrine of tradition(alism), universal conservatism, situational conservatism, etc. In this study, previously mentioned different conceptualizations of conservatism will be examined with a critical perspective and especially analyze/criticism of ‘situational conservatism’ will be made. According to our main argument of this study, in order to accept conservatism as an ideology separate and detached from liberalism or socialism, we need a perspective that goes beyond the concept of ‘situational conservatism’. If we stay within the boundaries of situational understanding, conservatism will be very pragmatic notion without any essence or fixed principles and will be able to integrate with any kind of ideological position.