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Isaiah Berlin nikada nije pokušao izložiti svoju misao kao sustavnu teoriju. Galipeau je ustvrdio kako Berlin nije sustavni mislilac, dok je Michael Walzer upozorio kako sustav jednostavno nije Berlinov stil (Galipeau, 1994, 165). Dva su razloga zbog kojih Berlin nije sebi zadao da sustavno izloži i poveže svoje glavne argumente. Prvo, kao autor bio je zaokupljen različitim temama – poviješću političkih ideja, pitanjem slobodne volje i determinizma, problemom političke slobode, temom nacionalnog i kulturnog identiteta, odnosom prosvjetiteljstva i romantizma, te vrijednosnim pluralizmom – za koje nije smatrao da ih je nužno podvesti pod zajednički nazivnik. S druge strane, nije bio sklon sveobuhvatnim teorijama koje žele objasniti sveukupnu povijest čovječanstva i sve društvene odnose. Za Berlina, takve teorije neizbježno simplificiraju kompleksnost ljudskih motiva i djelovanja, najčešće do te mjere da gube sposobnost valjano ih objasniti. To objašnjava i zašto je Berlin odabrao esej kao idealnu formu prezentiranja vlastitih ideja te stoga nije, osim rane studije o Marxu, nikada napisao knjigu.
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This book offers an overview of different election systems, with their specific features, rules and methods. Case studies include Austria, Denmark, Ireland, Germany, UK, USA, Croatia and the European Union. With contributions by Martin Fehndrich and Wilko Zicht.
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Książka zawiera eseje napisane w latach 2010–2014. Dotyczą one zajmowania się historią półwiecza od lat trzydziestych do osiemdziesiątych XX wieku przez uczestników życia publicznego w kilku państwach w Europie w okresie ich stowarzyszenia i akcesji do UE. Głównym motywem wydania ich razem było porównanie polityki wobec pamięci współczesnej Ukrainy oraz Litwy, Łotwy, Estonii (rozdział 3), Hiszpanii (5) i Chorwacji (6). Podobnie jak Ukraina, kraje te doświadczyły totalitaryzmu, wojeni/lub okupacji, a następnie, w ostatnim ćwierćwieczu XX wieku, stanęły wobec uczestnictwa w projekcie europejskim. W tej sytuacji odczuwały przeszłość zarówno jako źródło dumy, jaki brzemię, poszukiwały w niej z jednej strony symboli przydatnychdo zmagań w przyszłości, z drugiej zaś – uwolnienia od poczuciawiny. Państwa te jednocześnie budowały (lub odnawiały)swoją państwowość, wprowadzały demokrację parlamentarnąoraz podejmowały reformy gospodarczo-społeczne z zamiarem ugruntowania przemian po wejściu do UE. Pokonując trudnościi rozwiązując konflikty, ostatecznie wypracowały strategie prorozwojowe. Istotną rolę w przemianach, które stały się ich udziałem, odegrała determinacja dotychczasowych członków UE, aby przyjąć je do swego grona.
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What are we referring to when we speak about the history of Romanian ethnology or anthropology? It seems easy, even obvious, but the very field(s) of what we are referring to by these academic labels do not just exist “out there” waiting to be approached and understood. As a matter of fact, „ethnology” was a term used only incidentally in Romanian professional jargon before 1990, whereas the term „anthropology” found use alone in the field of physical anthropology. What is more: beyond the institutional borders (which took time to emerge and achieve legitimacy), one might question where the limits of „ethnological thinking” lie in the broad context of the social thinking of early modern times, where the involved elites shared an interest in „the being of the people” and most approaches were conceived as „national sciences”? Contrary to what one might think, there is not an easy and ready-made answer to this question. Let us then ask what we should refer to when we speak about the history of Romanian ethnology? We might begin with the classical couple of folklore studies and ethnography, which both have a long and rich tradition in Romanian modern culture. The next step would be to link them in a mutually comprehensive approach, despite the general practice of presenting them independently in specifi c histories. In doing so, we could adopt the recommendation of an international conference of European “folk ethnographers” held in 1955 in Arnhem to use the general term of “national ethnology” when referring to all kinds of scholars of “folk culture” within a national realm (see Tamás, 1968). But to frame the question in this fashion would be misleading to some extent. Folk studies and ethnography transcend the “academic” realm in their claim to have the last word on “the being of the people”, as Pârvan explicitly states when defi ning ethnography. Folkloric species and categories, as defi ned by the different schools and approaches, have as their only common point “their documentary value, all the goods of the fi eld [of folk studies, n.n.] being documents of popular mentality” (Bîrlea, 1969:7). Thus, the two disciplines share, in fact, their object of interest; but in doing so, they also share it with many other disciplines and approaches. Indeed, “the being of the people” is a general concern of the national elites during this entire period, most of them contributing in a more or less specialized way to its investigation. [...]
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So how far is utopianism part of totalitarianism, or theoretically or causally related to it? This is, clearly, a definitional issue at the outset, and so an assessment of terms is necessary at the outset here. I will then look at a schema of utopian projections before turning to the totalitarian dystopia.My concentration here will be on the now well-grounded hypothesis that utopia has been most prone to produce dystopia when it assumes the shape of a “political religion.” Finally, I will try to modify this hypothesis somewhat by disaggregating the millenarian and other components within supposed “political religions” in order to see what is left once the more destructive elements in modern utopianism have been winnowed out.
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A collection of articles discussing the place and role of public policy sciences in Poland, that is systemic measures of the state intended to solve specific public problems. Interdisciplinary studies with sociological and political approach are focused on the theoretical and methodological perspectives of this field and directions of its development to date.
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The intention of the book is to present the policy of the United States towards China and ascertain the position of Peking in the American foreign policy between 1911 and 1918. The author considers various aspects of the problem against a background of political changes taking place in both countries and diplomatic struggle in the First World War period. The book is based on unpublished materials from the Library of Congress and the National Archives at College Park, as well as printed sets of documents and vast literature on the subject.
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The first holistic monograph on the political and legal thought of Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro, a key Polish statesman and political writer in the mid-17th century. The book presents the main categories of Fredro’s thought by examining the tension between a republic and a monarchy, which constitutes the pivot of his reflection. This doctrinal conflict enables also to examine his economic, military and praxeological concepts. The author refers to the broad scope of Fredro’s writings and offers an original interpretation of the subject. // Pierwsza w literaturze przedmiotu monografia przedstawiająca całościowo myśl polityczno-prawną jednego z najbardziej znaczących pisarzy politycznych siedemnastowiecznej Rzeczypospolitej. Praca analizuje podstawowe kategorie myśli Andrzeja Maksymiliana Fredry przez pryzmat ustrojowej i doktrynalnej konfrontacji republiki z monarchią, ukazując również przełożenie tego konfliktu na gospodarkę, kwestie militarne i postulaty sprawnego działania. Autor w szerokim zakresie wykorzystał pisma Fredry, przedstawiając oryginalne ujęcie tematu.
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Moralna i politička vrednota tolerancije je središnja sastavnica liberalno demokratske političke kulture. Štoviše, stupanj zastupljenost tolerantnih praksi u javnome životu pouzdani je pokazatelj liberalne i demokratske zrelosti modernih pluralnih društava. Vrlina tolerancije ima različita teorijska utemeljenja i opravdanja. Značenja pojma tolerancije kreću se u širokom luku od pukog modus vivendi u održavanju zajedničkog životu, pa do raznovrsnih i složenih oblika priznanja vrijednosnih posebnosti društvenih skupina i pojedinaca. Jednako tako i tolerantne prakse, ovisno o različitim povijesnim i socijalnim konteksti¬ma te poljima djelovanja poprimaju različite oblike. Na toleranciju se danas pozivamo u privatnim, socijalnim i političkim odnosima.
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A cross section of the most important philosophical and intellectual trends from the 17th to the 20th century. Among others, the author puts together the thought of J.-B. Bossuet and the views of Voltaire, confronts the reflections of B. Pascal and Helvétius, presents the key elements of the positivist vision of A. Comte, the concepts of M. Bakunin and K. Marx. He is concerned with key 19th-century categories of political thought, such as progress or political durability.
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As a non-state actor in international relations, the diaspora has a strong influence on the society of the host state, but also on the state of origin. Therefore, the use of the diaspora has become a significant means of promoting the soft power of the state of origin. This paper seeks to understand the extent to which diasporas are independent actors and the extent to which their position in the different contexts of host and home states affects their political activity. The pursuit of influence by building networks, communicating persuasive narratives, setting international rules, and using (soft) resources have become major state activities in the international arena. Accordingly, states have been forced to use new tools to build their reputations in the international arena. One such tool has become „diaspora diplomacy”, a state action to use the diaspora to promote a positive image of the country of origin as well as its culture in the host country. The diaspora is not only a foreign policy tool, but as an element of soft power, it can exert pressure on the country of origin. Therefore, diaspora communities can influence the economic and political processes of host countries in favor of the interests of their homelands. One country that has begun to focus on developing its influence by „diaspora diplomacy” is Turkey under the Justice and Development Party government.
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The book attempts to analyze the influence of the Parisian "Culture" magazine's (in Polish: Kultura) concepts on the Polish eastern policy from 1989 to 2014. "Kultura" was established in 1946 in Rome and soon after moved to Maisons-Laffitte, a small town in the suburbs of Paris. This magazine became the most influential Polish independent "think-tank" during the cold war era. This small group of intellectuals in exile, led by Jerzy Giedroyc, the editor-in-chief of the magazine, created a strategy - so-called "The Giedroyc Doctrine" - that later became a road map for all the successive Polish governments after the fall of communism in 1989. The "Giedroyc Doctrine" can be summarized in four crucial points: I ) supporting the independence and democratization of Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus (ULB) and preserving post-war border lines in Europe; 2) counteracting soviet/Russian imperialism, ceasing Polish-Russian rivalry for ULB territories and creating good relations with Russian liberal/democratic parties and civic movements; 3) consolidating and rebuilding of good relations with Germany; 4) integrating Poland with political, economic and military organizations of the Euro-Atlantic world. It should be underlined that Russia has been the central point of reference for the whole idea. Recognition of the above points should neutralize the threat from Russian imperialism and build a solid foundation for Poland's future security. Analyzing the eastern policy of successive Polish governments in terms of continuing or departing from the concept of "Kultura", the author refers to the above-mentioned key postulates. The research results presented in the book prove that at the given time, all subsequent Polish governments took into account and accepted the "Giedroyc doctrine". Moreover, it should be stated that throughout the first twenty-five years of the Third Republic of Poland, its foreign policy was characterized by a high degree of continuity and attachment to the idea of the Parisian "Kultura". And this policy was the subject of cross-partisan consensus. On the other hand, at the detailed (tactical) level - going beyond the general concept of foreign policy - there were certain misunderstandings of Giedroyc's doctrine
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This collection of papers includes papers presented at the scientific conference 45 YEARS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AT UNWE: SUCCESSION AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND PROCESSES IN EUROPE, organized by the Department of International Relations at UNWE and held in Sofia on October 29, 2021. More than eighty scholars and researchers from different universities and research institutions participated in the scientific forum. The present volume includes the texts of those of the conference participants who sent their presentations in written form. The volume is structured in four parts. The first one contains the keynote speeches delivered at the conference. The second one includes research papers that address the following question: After the US withdrawal from Afghanistan - are the contours of the new global order clearer? The third part is focused on European collisions, centrifugal forces and prospects for development. The papers in the fourth part deals with problems and projects in Southest Europe and the role of Bulgaria.
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Studija Participacija građana/građanki u odlučivanju o javnim poslovima u jedinicama lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini nastala je kao rezultat provedenog naučnoistraživačkog projekta čiji je nosilac Centar za istraživanje razvoja lokalne i regionalne samouprave Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine. U realizaciji projekta sudjelovali su akademik Mirko Pejanović (kao rukovodilac Centra, inicijator i koordinator projekta) i akademik Slavo Kukić, profesori/ce: Univerziteta u Sarajevu (prof. dr. Elmir Sadiković kao voditelj projekta i prof. dr. Elvis Fejzić); Univerziteta u Tuzli (prof. dr. Najil Kurtić); Univerziteta u Istočnom Sarajevu (prof. dr. Zlatiborka Popov Momčinović); Univerzitet “Džemal Bijedić” u Mostaru (prof. dr. Rebeka Kotlo) i Sveučilišta u Mostaru (doc. dr. Ana Mari Bošnjak). Anketno istraživanje i unos podataka u SPSS program uradio je viši asistent na Fakultetu za upravu, mr. Hazim Okanović. Poseban doprinos u koncipiranju metodološkog pristupa i analizi rezultata empirijskog istraživanja dao je prof. dr. Najil Kurtić. Participativna demokratija zauzima posebno mjesto u savremenoj političkoj teoriji. U vremenu predstavničke demokratije kao dominantne demokratske forme pitanje sudjelovanja pojedinaca u politici i u procesima političkog odlučivanja postaje sve značajnijim. Pored slobodnog izbora predstavničkih političkih institucija, u svim demokratskim društvima postoje i razvijaju se instituti i različiti oblici neposredne demokratije. Politička participacija je pojam koji označava načine na koji pojedinci sudjeluju u procesima političkog odlučivanja. Najšire mogućnosti za ostvarenje ideala participativne demokratije građani imaju u lokalnim zajednicama. U njima ljudi zadovoljavaju najveći dio svojih svakodnevnih životnih potreba. Lokalne vlasti su građanima najbliže vlasti. Građani su najbolje informisani o radu lokalnih vlasti. Zapravo, građani/ke imaju neposredan interes i najšire mogućnosti da sudjeluju u procesima odlučivanja o javnim poslovima u svojim lokalnim zajednicama. Zbog toga su i mogućnosti za afirmaciju participativne demokratije i razvoj participativne političke kulture najveći u okvirima lokalnih zajednica O razvoju demokratije u jedinicama lokalne samouprave u postdejtonskoj Bosni i Hercegovini napisane se brojne studije. Izvedena su i određena, iako parcijalna istraživanja. Međutim, ova studija holističkim i interdisciplinarnim pristupom, sintezom savremenih teorijskih znanja i rezultata empirijskog istraživanja, daje cjelovit uvid i relevantne naučne spoznaje o stvarnim dostignućima, nedostacima, ali i mogućnostima unapređenja institucionalnog okvira političke participacije građana u jedinicama lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini. Strukturu studije čine dva osnovna dijela. Prvi dio studije čine autorski prilozi u kojima su elaborirani najvažniji teorijski aspekti političke participacije građana u Bosni i Hercegovini i u savremenom svijetu. U prilozima se tematiziraju pitanja participativne demokratije kao demokratske forme, ideala i političkog prava. Prenose se iskustva i prakse političke participacije u drugim evropskim zemljama i kompariraju sa bosanskohercegovačkim. Posebno se tematiziraju pitanja informativno-komunikacijskih aspekata participacije, rodne ravnopravnosti i učešća žena u politici. Ukazuje se na nužnosti revitalizacije lokalne demokratije, posebno u kontekstu razvoja savremenih digitalnih tehnologija. Specifične naučne kompentencije članova/ica istraživačkog tima omogućile su interdisciplinaran naučni pristup elaboraciji fenomena političke participacije građana/ki u lokalnim zajednicama. Teorijske analize i hipoteze u prilozima autora/ica su bile osnova za koncipiranje anketnog upitnika i provođenje empirijskog istraživanja. Drugi dio studije sadrži naučnu analizu rezultata provedenog empirijskog istraživanja. Istraživanje je provedeno u periodu oktobar – novembar 2021. godine, neposrednim anketiranjem građana/ki na prostoru osam opština i gradova Bosne i Hercegovine. Odabrani gradovi / opštine se bitno razlikuju u broju stanovnika i u stepenu socio-ekonomske razvijenosti. To su varijable koje u pravilu utiču na oblike i intenzitet političke participacije. Anketni upitnik je sadržavao 25 pitanja otvorenog i zatvorenog tipa. Anketirano je ukupno 1000 ispitanika, što je bio relevantan uzorak za testiranje postavljenih hipoteza. Interpretacija rezultata empirijskog istraživanja izvedena je kroz tri osnovne varijable. Prva je komunikacijska varijabla koja obuhvata pitanja koncepta informisanosti građana, njihovo zadovoljstvo komunikacijom sa lokalnim dužnosnicima te faktorima koji utiču na apstinenciju građana od procesa političke participacije. Druga je institucionalno-iskustvena varijabla građanske participacije. U okviru ove varijable analizirani su institucionalni / statutarni oblici građanske participacije i faktori koji utiču na uključivanje građana u participativne aktivnosti. Ovaj dio analize empirijskog istraživanja posebno se fokusira na pitanje očekivanja građana, u smislu njihove percepcije važnosti participacije, preferencije određenih oblika participacije, kredibilnosti poziva na participaciju, percepcije njihovih prava i sloboda te samopercepciju njihovih stvarnih mogućnosti uticaja na proces donošenja političkih odluka i oblikovanja javne politike u lokalnim zajednicama. Studija u cjelini daje nove naučne spoznaje i značajan naučni doprinos proučavanju razvoja lokalne samouprave u postdejtonskoj Bosni i Hercegovini. Prema svom sadržaju studija može biti od velike koristi u razvoju predmetnih silabusa na fakultetima društvenih nauka, studentima, naučnoj i stručnoj javnosti. Rezultati istraživanja mogu pomoći institucijama vlasti u oblikovanju i razvoju novih zakonskih i statutarnih oblika građanske participacije u jedinicama lokalne samouprave, prilagođenih očekivanjima građana i potrebama savremenog društva.
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This study aimed to investigate the progress of women's empowerment through employment opportunities in Nairobi and Kakamega Counties in Kenya between 2013 and 2017. Despite the increasing policies that aim to mainstream social equity and equality, there is still a significant gap between policy commitments and practices. The study evaluated whether the implementation of devolved governance in the two counties has improved women's empowerment. The study's framework included an in-depth review of policy documents, official records, and reports from official websites to understand women's economic empowerment status in Nairobi and Kakamega. The study analyzed qualitative and quantitative data from County Integrated Development Plans and other secondary sources. Specifically, it examined compliance with the 30% gender rule, requiring women to hold at least 30% of all elective and appointive positions. The study found that Nairobi commands the largest share of formal sector wage employment in Kenya, and women's access to employment opportunities remains slightly lower than men in both counties. Despite implementing the 30% gender rule, the study revealed the need for more comprehensive policies that promote gender equality and women's economic empowerment in both Nairobi and Kakamega.
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Tadeusz Mazowiecki (1927-2013), the first non-communist prime minister of Poland after the Second World War, was undoubtedly a major figure of Polish political life of the second half of the twentieth century. This has spurred the initiative to compile a multi-volume edition of Mazowiecki’s scattered writings and documents connected with him, which would encompass the entirety of his time as a social and political activist. This volume, concerning Tadeusz Mazowiecki in the period of his premiership, comprises two parts. The first contains texts and documents from 1989-1990, the period when Mazowiecki headed the government or immediately before. The second part is a selection of later interviews and reckoning articles: until the end of his life, Tadeusz Mazowiecki would explain the decision he had made as the prime minister, defending them, sometimes by revealing their hitherto unknown circumstances. Mazowiecki’s government laid foundations for a new Polish statehood – in a country devastated economically and politically by almost half a century of communist rule. It transitioned Poland from authoritarianism to democracy, and its economy from inefficient systemic poverty to free market. These reforms were not perfect, but they were revolutionary, though implemented in an evolutionary fashion. The fifteen months of Mazowiecki’s government proved enough to begin strategic changes in all areas of Polish life, changes that would be continued afterwards. They were not enough, however, for all these changes to be completed under Mazowiecki’s government – even though it is this government that was blamed for the errors and mistakes of transition, not its critics and successors. Tadeusz Mazowiecki was a man who attached great importance to the world of values. He perceived politics as acting for the sake of the common good. Today this no longer is a feature associated with politicians. This is all the more reason to offer a reminder that there was a time when politics could be done differently, and that this time was not that long ago.
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The first complete Czech translation of one of the most important texts exploring the philosophy of Confucianism. The book Mencius, together with Confucius' Analects, the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean, constitute the Four Books, for many centuries a syllabus for Chinese civil service examinations. The book contains dialogues by the Master Meng or Mencius (372-289 BC) with various persons, including his disciples and rulers of the Warring States period. As a “wandering scholar”, Mencius tried to persuade them to choose the Way of ancient sage-kings in accordance with Confucian principles of humanity and righteousness. Mencius deals with various topics, including just government, proper governance, and human nature, but also comments on a few non-Confucian teachings, which he tries to eradicate with forceful arguments. The translation from Classical Chinese is accompanied by a brief introduction, bibliography and notes, which make it easier for readers who are not Sinologists to find their way into the text.
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