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The author analyses the legal content of the crime of rape, regulated by article 218 of the New Criminal Code, while an exam compared with other states and their law towards this matter.On this occasion, the author also presents some critical opinion and suggestions with a view on improving the society and the law itself.
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The author examines general aspects regarding the crimes against life, aspects that are outlined by statistics and studies over the years. On this ocassion, the evolution of the Romanian Criminal Code is highlighted and compared to other states, such as France and Russia. The purpose of this study is to understand the importance of penal provisions in preserving the lives
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Following the military invasion by the forces of the Russian army launched on 24.02.2022 in Ukraine, at the level of its neighboring states and beyond, there was a massive influx of people displaced from this country, the groups of people being made up both from Ukrainian citizens and and from citizens of other states that, at the time of the invasion, were living in or transiting Ukraine. This aspect determined the creation of a mechanism for quick and appropriate measures both at European and national level to manage this phenomenon. At the European level, on 04.03.2023, the Council issued the Decision (EU) 2022/382 and activated the temporary protection provided by Directive 2001/55/EC regarding the minimum standards for granting temporary protection, in the event of a massive influx of displaced persons, and the measures to promote a balance between the efforts of the member states to welcome these people and bear the consequences of this reception, all displaced persons from Ukraine, who entered the territory of the EU after 24.02.2022, benefiting from this measure. At the national level, on 18.03.2022, it was issued the Government Decision no. 367 regarding the establishment of conditions for ensuring temporary protection as well as for the modification and completion of some normative acts in the field of foreigners, which regulated the granting of temporary protection on the territory of Romania. Temporary protection is an emergency mechanism that applies in the event of a massive influx of people and aims to provide immediate and collective protection. The aim is to ease pressure on national asylum systems and allow displaced people to enjoy harmonized rights across the European Union.
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When Hitler decided to invade Yugoslavia and destroy it as a state, his representatives contacted the largest Croatian political party – the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS). The Germans wanted the party’s leader, Vladko Maček, to head the new, independent Croatia after the break-up of Yugoslavia. But Maček rejected the proposal. Then the Ger-mans turned to the Ustasha organization in Croatia and its leader Slavko Kvaternik declared the independent Croatia on April 10, 1941, the same day when the German army entered Zagreb. The Kingdom of Italy had previously supported the Ustasha organization, but after the assassination of the Yugoslav King Alexander Karađorđević in Marseille in 1934, organized by the Ustashas, the Italians restricted the activities of the Ustasha organization in their territory. In the circumstances of preparations for the attack on Yugoslavia, the Italians organized the passage of several hundred Ustashas led by Ante Pavelić to Croatia.
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Croatia began the transition from Communism to democracy on May 30, 1990, when the first multi-party Parliament was constituted. The amendments to the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia (SRH), adopted on July 25, cleansed the system of socialist legal terminology. Franjo Tuđman, President of the SRH Presidency, became the President of the Republic of Croatia and the main figure in Croatian politics. The process of constituting a new government was completed on December 22, 1990 with the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Croatia was defined as “the national state of the Croatian people and the state of members of other peoples and minorities, who are its citizens: Serbs, Muslims, Slovenes, Czechs, Slovaks, Italians, Hungarians, Jews, and others, who are guaranteed equality with Croatian citizens and the realization of their national rights in accordance with the democratic norms” of the United Nations and “the countries of the free world.” In relation to the 1974 Constitution, which was drafted in such a way that Croatia was “equally divided” between Croats and Serbs, the difference was in the listing of other peoples and nationalities, which relativized the earlier division. The attitude towards Yugoslavia was determined by the view that “the Republic of Croatia remains part of the SFRY until a new agreement between the Yugoslav republics is reached, or until the Parliament of the Republic of Croatia decides otherwise.”
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The Czech relations with countries covered in this chapter – both EU Member States and others (including microstates) – shared certain general characteristics. Without exception, they involved no issues that would be a subject of major controversy. Secondly, with but a few exceptions, these relations were conducted within a network, or at least through a network, of the EU multilateral frame. The reason for the dominance of the EU framework in the conduct of bilateral relations is primarily the importance of the political process at the EU level both for Member States and their West European neighbours due to a high degree of mutual interdependence and the increasing scope of EU’s allocative and distributive policies. Several government officials throughout the period covered in this volume estimated that up to 80% of the relations of Czech Republic with those countries take place at the EU level. However, this does not result in a decline of the bilateral dimension of mutual relations, as could be expected, but rather in their conduct in a new environment of a burgeoning political system, where the need to negotiate issue coalitions increases. Bilateral negotiations remain an important diplomatic means of this ‘permanent congress’. The last shared feature of Czech foreign policy towards the countries covered in this chapter is that it generally took place in conditions of a political pluralism, which was made possible by the countries’ location within the EU framework. The process of Czech foreign policy involved a considerable number of government actors – all of which should theoretically act in the public interest – without the mediation by traditional diplomacy and conduct through its standard channels. This new pluralism represents one of the central challenges for Czech foreign policy, since without proper coordination it leads to a suboptimal use of (necessarily limited) resources in realizing public interest abroad.
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The Mediterranean and the Middle East, although they did not fall under the priorities of Czech foreign policy after 1989, had to be taken into account by the Czech Republic after it joined NATO and the EU due to the wider interest of the trans-Atlantic allies in regional stability and security. For this reason, issues like terrorism, immigration, the Middle East peace process, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, peacekeeping missions, and the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation were among the most frequently discussed topics in the Czech political scene during the 2000s. The Middle East agenda have affected our relations with allies and they have been the subject of home competition on left-right axis. The only long-term Czech interest relating to the region was the mainly rightist government’s attempt to reduce the Czech Republic’s one-sided dependence on imports of Russian oil and gas, which was demonstrated by the support for the Nabucco pipeline project during the Czech EU presidency.
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