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Развитие на отношенията между Kитай и САЩ и влиянието на тяхната динамика върху страните от Централна и Източна Европа

Author(s): Nako Stefanov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2022

The importance and relevance of tracking and analyzing China-US relations, which are today key global countries with a huge impact on the world, can hardly be questioned. The aims of this study are, on the one hand, to examine and understand how these relations have developed over time, especially since initially the United States and then the PRC became global powers. On the other hand, the author analyses the problem of how the dynamics of these relations affect the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which are today mainly under the “lid” of the influence of the West.

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Transformacja Estonii po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego. Determinanty historyczne i analiza porównawcza skutków

Author(s): Krzysztof Kaczmarek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 54/2022

Estonia is one of the fifteen states created as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union, which introduced such effective reforms that it is now a highly developed, economically and socially Western democracy. Currently, Estonia is at the forefront of post-Soviet and former satellite countries in terms of freedom from corruption, democratization, the level of education, and building a digital society. The main aim of the article was to answer the question concerning the social, political, and economic effects of reforms implemented in Estonia after the country became independent from Moscow. By comparing relevant indicators, the implications of these reforms were presented against the background of other former Soviet republics and Central and Eastern European states. The article also presents the historical determinants of the proWestern orientation of Estonia and its inhabitants. Without social support for integration with Western Europe, it would be impossible to carry out a successful transformation. Among the historical factors, the centuries-old influence of Western European, especially German, culture and economy had the greatest impact on the manner and quality of the reforms carried out in Estonia. The research shows that Estonia is the least affected by corruption and the most democratic country in the post- Soviet area. However, in terms of the quality of education, the country ranks first not only in the group of post-Soviet countries, but also in the whole of Europe. On the other hand, in terms of building the information society and e-state, Estonia is a world leader and is presented as an example to other countries.

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Colliding Western Balkan Neighbors: Serbia and Montenegro in Post-Yugoslav Context –Identity and Interest Representation

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković,Miloš Petrović / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

This research seeks to examine the development of relations between Serbia and Montenegro after 2006, In the context of insufficient acceptance of a distinct Montenegrin identity by the Serbian state, elite, and public. The authors argue that, unlike elsewhere in the post-Yugoslav space, where inter-republic cooperation had decreased during the country’s breakup, Serbo-Montenegrin relations have mostly deteriorated “only” since Montenegrin independence. The authors attribute such developments to local identity politics, arguing that Montenegrin and pro-Serbian political actors manipulate identarian symbols both to strengthen their own positions and differentiate said positions from their political rivals. Identarian aspects (like state symbols, language and religion) are used not solely to underline one’s ethnic affiliation, but also for ideological distancing from opponents. These populist activities have caused a deep polarization in Montenegrin society for at least two reasons. Firstly, the use of aforementioned state symbols further strengthened the political divisions even at the inter-state level, resulting in the homogenization of the national and electorate corps. Secondly, ethnic affiliation has been influenced by geopolitical elements, namely, Russophile tendencies in the Serbian political actors and pro-Western tendencies among Montenegrin actors. The authors apply the ‘situational nationalism’ approach to show that the outcomes of the still-ongoing nation-building process in Montenegro correlate with both domestic policies (institutional top-down approach) and external factors (cross-border effects, including the geopolitics).

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THE RESTITUTION LAWS AND POLAND’S MEMORY BATTLES

Author(s): Florin Anghel / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

This article seeks to identify the reasons behind Poland’s decision to adopt a new law on the restitution of confiscated properties in 2021, although another law already stipulated the historical conditions for addressing the legacy of the Holocaust in 2018. The two laws were conceived on the premise that Nazi Germany bore almost exclusive responsibility for the Holocaust. The most recent law intended to regulate a segment of the valuable Warsaw real estate market which had been affected by numerous public scandals during the past two decades. Enacted on August 14, 2021, the new law blocked the former owners and their legal successors not only from recovering their former estates, but also from receiving rightful compensation. Legislators considered that the law had to conform to a 2015 ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal, which imposed limits on appeals against administrative decisions set between 10 and 30 years. Although the law concerns an administrative act, it also reflects the political disputes over the nation’s historical memory and, in particular, one of the most tragic periods in the history of Poland: 1939-1945.

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GENDER ASYMMETRIES IN THE PRINT AND ONLINE MEDIA OF THE RIGHT AND LEFT BANKS OF THE DNIESTR. BENCHMARKING 2014-2021

Author(s): Margarita Kozhukhar / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Women and men use the media for the same reasons: to access and use information for themselves, their families and their communities. The media provide an opportunity for women and men to express their opinions in the community, at the national and global levels. In this article, we will consider which images (women and men) are most often found on the pages of newspapers on the right and left banks of the Dniester "“Nezavisimaya Moldova”" in 2014, "Pridnestrovie" in 2014, "Pridnestrovie" in 2021 and "Ziarul de Garda" in 2021 year. How much has the presentation of the image of women on the right and left banks of the Dniester changed in 7 years

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Orosz birodalmi törekvések a 21. században?

Author(s): Katalin Ájben / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2018

The collapse of the Soviet Union caused several changes in the post-soviet region. Most of the former countries/republics have begun to seek new alliances with either the European Union or NATO. This lead to a reduction of the Russian influence in the sphere of its interest. In the ’90s the Russian Federation made attempts to stabilize its world-political place and its prestige as well. In the 2000s, a new era of the Russian Federation has begun with Vladimir Putin’s raise to power. Putin’s notion was that the country’s influence should be restored in the region. According to him, „softer” methods are not enough anymore to accomplish this goal, firmer means need to be used such as increasing both political and martial pressure. The main goal of this study is to investigate whether the Russian ambitions could be considered an imperialistic attitude in the 21st century. The criteria of an imperialistic state are discussed, in addition to this, the concept of the „fifth empire” is presented, which appeared after the USSR’s breakup. Furthermore, the Russian Federation’s domestic politics and for-eign policy are also reviewed as these factors have played an important role in Russia’s prior imperial ambitions. Finally, the study tries to clarify the concepts of expansion based on economy, nationalism, militarism, presented by the example of Ukraine’s case.

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TRAJEKTORE TË SKAJIMIT TË ROMËVE GJATË PERIUDHËS SË QEVERISJES SË MBRETIT ZOG DHE REGJIMIT NAZI FASHIST

Author(s): Ervin Kaçiu / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 1/2022

This article discusses the social position of Roma people within two regimes of Albanian modernity, the government of King Zog and the Nazi-fascist order. Based on archival documents and the literature produced by ethnographers, travelers, local and foreign historians, the main point of this article is to analyze the policies implemented toward Roma by various ideological regimes that in this period of Albanian modernity aimed at the modernization of this minority as well as of that of the whole society. The state policies of these regimes are different in approach and mechanisms used in the implementation. However, the final result they produce is the systematic exclusion of Roma minority.

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Politike zaraćenih strana u Republici Bosni i Hercegovini 1992-1995: Prilog komparativnoj analizi počinjenih zločina

Author(s): Ermin Kuka / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 20/2022

Review of: Fikret Muslimović, Selmo Cikotić, Zločini u oružanoj agresiji na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu 1992-1995. godine, Udruženje za zaštitu tekovina borbe za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Sarajevo, 2021.

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Economic Adaptability in the Absence of Democratic Corporatism: Explaining Lithuania’s Export Performance

Author(s): Vytautas Kuokštis,Ramūnas Vilpišauskas / Language(s): English Issue: 4 (108)/2022

Viewed in light of democratic corporatism literature, Lithuania is a deviant case. Although it lacks essential institutional prerequisites deemed important for export success and flexible adaptation to external shocks, the small Baltic country has been among the best performers in the European Union on these dimensions. Lithuania has become very internationally integrated and has managed to quickly adjust to numerous shocks, such as the Russian financial crisis of 1998–99, the Global Financial Crisis of 2008–2009, and the COVID-19 pandemic. In this article, we analyse Lithuania’s export specialization and show how particular institutional elements have supported flexible adaptation and competitiveness improvements: we cover the labour market, state’s involvement in terms of domestic compensation and public goods provision, education and skills, and the role of political legitimacy. Lithuania’s case has implications for the literature on the political economy of small states and the debate regarding the middle-income trap.

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The Dusk of Prometheanism (1935–1940)

Author(s): Wojciech Łysek / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

The main aim of this article is to highlight the importance of the Polish Promethean campaign in the late period of the Second Polish Republic. From the historiographic point of view, the issue of when exactly Polish Prometheanism came to an end remains a subject of debate. The proposed periodization focuses on 1932 – the year that Poland and the Soviet Union signed a non-aggression treaty; or 1935 – the death of Józef Piłsudski. And yet the most obvious date that sounded the knell of Prometheanism seems to be September 1939 – the German attack on Poland. After the Soviet attack of 17 September 1939, the Polish government had to flee the country. Conditions for promoting the Promethean idea visibly improved in 1939–1940, and that is precisely what makes Polish government policy towards the Soviet Union during the period from 1935 to 1940 so interesting.

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Schyłek prometeizmu (1935–1940)

Author(s): Wojciech Łysek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2020

Nadrzędnym celem artykułu jest uświadomienie znaczenia kampanii polskiej dla realizacji idei prometejskiej w upadającej II Rzeczypospolitej. Z punktu widzenia historiografii kwestią dyskusyjną nadal pozostaje data zmierzchu polskiego prometeizmu. Proponowana periodyzacja dotyczy na przykład roku 1932 – daty paktu o nieagresji między Polską a ZSRS – lub 1935 – daty śmierci Józefa Piłsudskiego. Najbardziej jednak oczywistym terminem wydaje się wrzesień 1939 roku, czyli data inwazji III Rzeszy na Polskę. Po ataku ZSRS 17 września 1939 roku władze Polski były zmuszone opuścić terytorium państwa. Uwarunkowania sprzyjające szerzeniu idei prometejskiej wyraźnie poprawiły się w latach 1939–1940, dlatego właśnie ogląd polityki polskich władz wobec Związku Sowieckiego w okresie 1935–1940 jest tak interesujący.

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UKRAINE AND THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA’ ACCESS TO THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE CURRENT GEOPOLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT

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UKRAINE AND THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA’ ACCESS TO THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE CURRENT GEOPOLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT

Author(s): Leonard Artur Horvath,Ioan Claudiu Pădurean / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

The European Union has announced that Ukraine and Moldova have been granted candidate status. This announcement, together with the solidarity shown so far by EU countries, opens new prospects for the economies of the two candidate countries, which hope that the accession process will be speeded up and that they will surpass the countries of the Western Balkans, which have started accession negotiations but have made only modest progress on the way to membership.There is also hope for Georgia, where civil society pressure and large street protests have prompted the pro-Russian oligarchic government to abandon a package of Kremlin-inspired laws that is accelerating Russia's transformation from an autocratic regime to an increasingly harsh dictatorship.

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Danuta Gibas-Krzak, Geopolityka Bałkanów

Author(s): Andrzej Ciupiński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2022

Review of: Danuta Gibas-Krzak, Geopolityka Bałkanów PWN, Warszawa 2020, ss. 488

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Mary Elise Sarotte Not One Inch. America, Russia, and the Making of Post-Cold War Stalemate

Author(s): Marcin Wałdoch / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Review of: Mary Elise Sarotte, Not One Inch. America, Russia, and the Making of Post-Cold War Stalemate, Yale University Press, New Haven & London 2021, pp. 550

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How a German Diplomat Jeopardizes Bosnian Democracy: A Controversial Intervention in the Balkan State’s Recent Elections Risks Empowering Nationalist Extremists

Author(s): Jasmin Mujanović / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

Before Russia’s latest invasion of Ukraine in February and the ensuing carnage against the country’s civilian population unleashed by Russian occupation forces, it was Bosnia and Herzegovina that held the dubious distinction of witnessing the deadliest war in Europe since 1945. For the nearly 30 years since the conclusion of the Bosnian War, the country has held another ignominious title: the most complex constitutional and electoral regime in the world.

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Kako njemački diplomata ugrožava bosanskohercegovačku demokratiju. Kontroverzna intervencija na nedavnim izborima u balkanskoj državi rizikuje osnaživanje nacionalističkih ekstremista

Author(s): Jasmin Mujanović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 1/2023

Prije posljednje ruske invazije na Ukrajinu u februaru i pokolja koji je uslijedio protiv civilnog stanovništva pokrenutog od strane ruskih okupacionih snaga, Bosna I Hercegovina je bila ta koja je svjedočila najsmrtonosnijem ratu u Evropi od 1945. Prošlo je skoro 30 godina od završetka rata u Bosni, a ova zemlja nosi još jednu sramotnu titulu: zemlja s najsloženijim ustavnim i izbornim režimom na svijetu.

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Sanctions, Communication, and Ambiguity

Author(s): Alastair Morgan / Language(s): English Issue: 12/2023

Review of: The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War Nicholas Mulder. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2022. Backfire: How Sanctions Reshape the World against U.S. Interests Agathe Demarais. New York: Columbia University Press, 2022. Sanctions: What Everyone Needs to Know Bruce W. Jentleson. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. The Political Economy of Sanctions: Resilience and Transformation in Russia and Iran Ksenia Kirkham. Cham, Switzerland: Springer, 2022.

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Hybrid after All: The ‘Grey Zone’, the ‘Hybrid Warfare’ Debate, and the PLA’s Science of Military Strategy

Author(s): Aurelio Insisa / Language(s): English Issue: 12/2023

Are China’s operations in the context of the many maritime and territorial contestations of the Asia-Pacific aptly described by the ‘grey zone’ paradigm that first emerged in Japanese and American policy and academic environments? Or is the Euro-Atlantic ‘hybrid warfare’ paradigm a more effective tool to understand how China operates below the threshold of war? This study provides a new perspective on the debate between grey zone and hybrid warfare literature by examining how short-of-war military operations are discussed in two quasi-authoritative sources, both titled Science of Military Strategy, published within the People’s Liberation Army ecosystem: the 2013 edition published by the Academy of Military Science and the 2020 edition published by the National Defense University. Ultimately, the two texts suggest that PLA strategists’ understanding of the use of military forces to support Beijing’s expansive sovereignty claims and ‘maritime rights and interests’ closely resembles Western conceptions of hybrid warfare, rather than grey zone scenarios. Nevertheless, in partial contrast with recent scholarship on Chinese hybrid warfare, the sources examined suggest that Beijing’s short-of-war operations are not conceived to produce a ‘cognitive impasse’ over the objectives, geographical scope, and modus operandi among its counterparts in the Asia-Pacific. Rather, they are conceived as an explicit form of deterrence.

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ROMANIA’S DEVELOPMENT. AN INSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS BETWEEN THE COMMUNIST AND THE POST 1989 REGIMES

Author(s): Adrian Eugen Preda / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2023

This paper examines the great economic difference in terms of GDP evolution in Romania since 1989, when the communist regime collapsed, with the aim to answer the research question related to this great economic difference. In 1989 Romania had a GDP of $41.45 bln. Compared with $301.26 bln. In 2022, while the aim of this paper is to answer the question of “why is such a difference?” based on the theoretical framework provided by the new institutional economics, in the perspective delivered by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, my answer to the research question, which represents the paper hypothesis, is that the post 1989 development of Romania was driven by adopting inclusive economic and political institutions.

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Theorising place and scale in the geography of religion for the 21st century: Reflections on a burgeoning field

Author(s): Nimrod Luz / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

This paper explores the contested nature of scared places as a starting point for developing a research agenda for geographers of religion in the 21st century. Following a discussion of the contested nature of scared places, the paper theorises place and scale in the study of religion. It is argued that by conjugating these two crucial concepts, geographers of religion (and surely other disciplines as well) would be better able to engage with the rich socio-political-spatial meanings of contemporary religions. Sacred places, as one of the key features of religion, serve as an entry point into the current discussion. The empirical context and case studies are drawn from over two decades of research in the contested region of Israel/Palestine. They serve to illustrate my main argument that sacred places and their contested nature are central to understanding broader socio-political processes. I will therefore briefly engage in a scalar analysis of sacred places from the body to the global scale.

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