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U ovom tekstu raspravljaću o »balkanističkom stereotipu« i nekim ideološkim mehanizmima koji se oslanjaju na njega, a na osnovu jednog izbora iskaza, uglavnom uzetih iz mas-medija na slovenačkom i hrvatskom jeziku. Analizirani materijal je izabran intuitivno, zbog njegove paradigmatske, to jest, strukturne vrednosti.
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Bilo je to ranih 1990ih, u Briselu, srcu Evropske unije. Tamo sam prvi put čuo izraz: »nacije evropske vokacije«. Vocation, calling, Beruf… nemačka reč je najizražajnija, a znači u isto vreme »vokacija« i »profesija«. Neke nacije su, prema tome, evropske po vokaciji (ukorenjenoj, valjda, ne u božijoj volji, kao što je slučaj sa Veberovim protestantima, nego u njihovoj istoriji); kod takvih nacija biti Evropljanin je neka vrsta profesije. A šta je sa drugim nacijama, koje s njima ne dele ovaj Beruf? I ko to odlučuije o tome ko ima a ko nema takav Beruf? Ali ono što me najviše intrigira jeste šta Beruf može da znači u ovim slučajevima.
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Ono što je odrednici »Balkan« zajedničko sa ostalim klišeima jeste svojevrsni automatski esencijalizam – to je geografski metonim koji pretpostavlja postojanje negeografskog referenta. U političkim raspravama, novinskim napisima i svakodnevnim razgovorima, ovo je očigledna, nesporna pretpostavka: upotreba imena ukazuje da Balkan postoji kao region sa izvesnim identitetom uspostavljenim uz pomoć izvesnog broja zajedničkih karakteristika.
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Balkansko imaginarno iznenada je ponovo iskrslo nakon završetka Hladnog rata. Region je ranije bio podeljen između različitih tipova fantazama. Neki su to videli kao potvrdu komunističkih teorija čudotvorne industrijalizacije i urbanizacije nazadnih ruralnih društava. Drugi su na jug poluostrva projektovali plemenitu odbranu slobodnog sveta od sovjetskog varvarizma.
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Stari bakrorezi imaju glasnika, što pritrčava vičući, razbarušene kose, mašući u rukama listom, koji pun rata i kuge, ubilačkog pokliča i bola, požara i poplava širi na sve strane »najnovije vesti«. Novine u tom smislu i značenju koje ta reč ima kod Šekspira, jesu Baklja. Pune izdaje, zemljotresa, otrova i požara iz mundusa intelligibilisa. Mržnja kojom progone nepregledno gamižući novinarski soj, pre je vitalna nego moralna, slična onoj sa kakvom se praotac okomio na naraštaj izopačenih kepeca-obešenjaka proizašao iz njegovog semena.
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Mitovi su, pored ostalog, materijal od kog se grade nacije. Nacija mora imati “nacionalnu” povijest a ova kao takva, “nacionalna,” ne može biti stvarna, dakle onako kako se doista dogodila, nego je mitološka, patriotska, skrojena tako da emocionalno veže ljude uz njihove nacije te osigura legitimitet strukturama vlasti. Kad se radi o “etničkim nacijama” poput Srbije i Hrvatske kojima će se baviti ovaj članak, mitološki temelji nacionalnosti su od gotovo krucijalnog značaja. Oni su povezani s poviješću etnosa (narod) koja je uvijek manje ili više mitska i mitološka kako u mitovima o prapočetku tako i u mitovima iz nedavne povijesti.
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The author analyzes cultural changes that took place during the socialist period in Croatia – in the context of Yugoslavia as it was at the time, especially from 1945 to 1952. In this regard, she attempted to sketch out certain questions and cultural conflicts which were operative in the ideological framework of the time, such as partymindedness, that is to say revolutionary tendencies in culture as the public characteristic of culture. Party-mindedness is demonstrated by execution of the ≪strict dictate of the party line≫; the criteria of truth and progress, or meta-aesthetic criteria, were characterized by ≪specific≫ knowledge, ideology, creativity. The purpose of party-mindedness was not only to bring ideology to its fulfillment, but its partiality was demanded, and the goal of the communist party in power was to implement its muli-layered ideology in practice, or purely in terms of intent. Often the party political principle was incompatible with totalitarian methods. The author thus relied on a few basic points of opposition within Croatian political culture and culture generally. The author looked at three paradigmatic examples: the symbolic structure of South Slav unity, the relationship to tradition, and the orientation to cultural thought in Europe, contained within the metaphorical saying ≪suspicious west≫.
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As some other new notions and phenomena such as clash of civilizations and bioethics, notions post-communism, multiculturalism and globalization has become known only quite recently, during the last decade of the 20th Century. The term post-communism contains the prefix ‘post’ which implies rather negative definition of a global society which comes ‘after communism’, or something which is ‘no-longer-communist-but-notyet- anything-else’. On the other hand, the concept post-communism is one of the current waves of various post-isms which define the contemporary epoch in a negative sense: post-modernism or post-modernity, post-industrialism or post-industrial society, post-capitalism, post-historicism or the end of history etc.
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Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia and Humanitarian Centre for Integration and Tolerance from Novi Sad in the course of August and September 2002 carried out a research on the status of collective rights of national minorities in Serbia. That research covered 36 municipalities in Vojvodina and 16 municipalities in Central Serbia, that is municipalities inhabited by the largest number of national minorities according to the 1991 census.7 The goal of research was to establish the level of enforcement of collective rights of national minorities as prescribed by the domestic legislation and international standards. The research covered guaranteed collective rights of national minorities in the following areas: 1. The right to use mother tongue and alphabet 2. The right to education in mother tongue 3. The right to nurturing national culture and tradition 4. The right to information in mother tongue 5. The right to effective participation of national minorities in public life. This research was carried out by the two teams. One worked in the territory of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, while the other worked in Central, or more precisely, Eastern Serbia, Sandžak and South Serbia. Their work was divided in view of high concentration of minorities in those areas.
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Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia and Humanitarian Centre for Integration and Tolerance from Novi Sad in the course of August and September 2002 carried out a research on the status of collective rights of national minorities in Serbia. That research covered 36 municipalities in Vojvodina and 16 municipalities in Central Serbia, that is municipalities inhabited by the largest number of national minorities according to the 1991 census.7 The goal of research was to establish the level of enforcement of collective rights of national minorities as prescribed by the domestic legislation and international standards. The research covered guaranteed collective rights of national minorities in the following areas: 1. The right to use mother tongue and alphabet 2. The right to education in mother tongue 3. The right to nurturing national culture and tradition 4. The right to information in mother tongue 5. The right to effective participation of national minorities in public life. This research was carried out by the two teams. One worked in the territory of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, while the other worked in Central, or more precisely, Eastern Serbia, Sandžak and South Serbia. Their work was divided in view of high concentration of minorities in those areas.
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Alchemy is a special branch of learned magic. In Central Europe it was cultivated more than all the other offshoots of learned occultism. Alchemy, like the mentality supporting it, relied on Aristotelian principles. From the point of view of formal logic, the transmutation of metals was close to Catholic transubstantiation. It was close to the thinking of the early modern person whether from the Catholic or the Protestant environments. Experimental activity was cultivated in alchemy. It combined real and practical metallurgy with speculative metaphysics. There were extraordinarily many real stimuli for alchemy in the Habsburg Monarchy. For example, there were gold, silver and copper mines in the territory of present day Slovakia. These were notable for strange mysteries, for which the scientific knowledge of the time could give only speculative explanations.
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In the past few decades I have begun to examine the role that magic played in the lives of village and small town societies in the early modern period, in their mentality, religiosity and belief system. The examination was based on sources related to witchcraft. It is commonly known that the minutes of the witchcraft trials which took place throughout the 16th to 18th centuries are valuable sources with regard to the rural communities of the early modern period, in fact they constitute the only early modern source, which gives a detailed account of the communal role and social background of magic. The witness accounts of these trials reflect almost directly the ‘rural witchcraft’, which took place in the background of the official events and preceded these trials. Contrary to the accused, who may even have been forced by the expectations of elite demonology to make a false statement, the witnesses reconstructed the goings on of their village in the context of traditional witchcraft belief. They relate those of their memories, which can be interpreted as malefactions of a witch in the light of their beliefs. This allows us to gain what might near enough be called direct evidence regarding bewitchment (‘maleficium’) or black magic (or, in fact, its absence, as we shall see in what follows).
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This work focuses on the task of demythologizing the established definition of the Japanese culture as “unique”. It analyzes the phenomena found in various fields of Japanese culture, which define its nature. These phenomena can be called by different terms: loci of saturated imagery, imagistic cores, carriers of imagery, loci with an increased image charge, etc. Generally speaking, they are focal points of pictorial intensity. They are small in volume, but once perceived, unfold and present a grand vision to the human imagination. They are powerful stimulators of the imagination that abound in various manifestations of Japan’s culture – both in contemporary life and in the traditional cultural forms of poetry, theater, aroma ceremonies, and music. In Japanese language such imagistic elements are the onomatopoeic words. Relying on the physical-motor information (a consequence of their production in the oral cavity) and the memory and imagination of the listener, who has repeatedly heard and used them in certain situations, the imitative words are not just pure lexical units, but sensory words, referring to auditory, visual, and tactile perceptions that reinforce one’s lexical memory and in the same time imbuing it with a sensory element and animating the situation the word describes.
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When we turn to the spiritual culture of past epochs, we witness many original ideas and peculiar schemes – the result of the creative imagination of people who lived thousands of years ago. Some of them are purely local in nature and do not occur beyond the boundaries of a particular culture, others are a variation of views of the universe known worldwide; in any case, through the analysis of ancient myths, we can highlight the coded suggestions and symbolic models (archetypes) that refer to universal cosmological systems.
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The reactivation of Paganism in contemporary societies, as meticulously explored through the diverse contributions of the authors within the pages of this book, not only provides us with profound insights into the enduring human connection with spirituality, nature, and cultural heritage but also underscores its continuous process of reconstruction and even construction .
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The medieval Bosnian dynasty of Kotromanić, which gave the country most if not all of its bans and kings from the mid-thirteenth century on, established matrimonial relations with several high-ranking families from the kingdom of Hungary-Croatia, Bosnia’s northern and western neighbour. Besides the best-known marriage of Elizabeth, daughter of Ban Stephen II, to the Hungarian-Croatian king Louis I the Great, there were four other marriages between the members of the house of Kotromanić and the nobility of baronial rank from Croatia (Šubić of Bribir, Nelipčić of Cetina), Slavonia (Babonić of Vodica) and the eastern part of the Drava-Sava interamnium (Gorjanski/Garai). This paper aims to shed more light on the remaining and probably the least known case of this kind, i. e. the marriage between Radivoj Ostojić, son of King Ostoja and paternal uncle of the last independent king of Bosnia Stephen Tomašević, and Catherine of the family of Velika (Hung. Velike) from Požega county. Radivoj acted as an anti-king during the rule of King Stephen Tvrtko II (1421-1443) and he also claimed the throne at the beginning of the rule of his own brother Stephen Tomaš (1443-1461), until finally renouncing his royal ambitions in 1446. Since he actively entered the public and political sphere as early as in 1431, it is possible that he had been married to an unknown before 1449 when he got engaged to and expected to marry Catherine of Velika. The marriage was laid down in a contract concluded in that year between himself and Catherine’s father Nicholas. Nicholas and his wife Margaret gave their shares in the family estates of Velika and Petnja (Požega county) to Radivoj “of Vranduk” and his fiancée, while Radivoj gave them in return one half of his castle of Sólyomkő or Sokol (in Bosnia’s northern region of Usora). Nicholas did not belong to baronial elite, his family being only locally significant and, as owners of lands and castles, restricted to the county of Požega. He served as a vice-count in the counties of Baranja and Požega when these were administered by John of Korođ (Kórógy), Ban of Mačva. It is possible that Nicholas came into contact with Bosnia’s aristocracy while assisting John of Korođ in his political missions along the southern borders of the kingdom. In the later part of 1449, Radivoj Ostojić and Nicholas of Velika took under mortgage the castle and estate of Ljevač (county of Vrbas) from the members of the family of Nelepec of Dobra Kuća, a Slavonian branch of the prominent Bosnian family of Hrvatinić. Radivoj and Nicholas loaned 2 000 golden florins in cash and lands to the Nelepec family. In 1455 Nicholas of Velika left all of his possessions to his three daughters including Catherine, wife of Radivoj de castello Zalathnak (he did not appear with this designation anywhere else). The only information about Radivoj’s (and probably Catherine’s) children before the fall of Bosnia comes from the Dubrovnik archives, where an unnamed son (and in one case “sons”) of Radivoj were referred to in 1451, 1454 and 1455. The context of these mentions seems to suggest that he was (or they were) still very young, which would make it probable that Catherine was indeed his/their mother. Radivoj’s children (liberi) are also cursorily mentioned in a privilege granted to Radivoj and his family by Pope Pius II in July 1459. This act coincided with a Bosnian legation visiting the pope at Mantua; it is possible that Radivoj himself took part in he mission, shortly after he and his nephew, king’s son Stephen Tomašević, had surrendered the castle of Smederevo to the Ottomans. An important castle on the Danube, Smederevo was the last territorial remnant of the Serbian Despotate. The castle was acquired by the Kotromanić prince along with his appointment as a new despot of Serbia in March 1459. The succession was approved and supervised by the Hungarian-Croatian king Matthias Corvinus, who soon bitterly regretted it and accused the Bosnians of treason and a deal with the Turks.
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In the second half of the 14th century, Zadar became the centre of the Kingdoms of Dalmatia and Croatia. Then, and especially during the first half of the 15th century, it may be best described as a blooming town. The main reason for this situation was a combination of political, social, and economic circumstances, and the market of possibilities was equally open to peasants, craftsmen, merchants, educated administration, and the nobility. The city required personal presence and offered challenges in search for a better future or in establishing or improving one’s reputation. All these opportunities, and especially the last one, played a role in attracting the Croatian nobility, which will be the focus of this article.
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Exploring the property relations in a medieval city is often the only way to re-construct the financial status of citizens or families. In Central European cities, a citizen’s wealth was closely related to his political power, i.e. his administrative functions and honours, which is why social topography is essential when reconstructing the socio-political status of individual citizens. The urban elite of Zagreb’s Gradec is a representative example of such urban elites. Same as in other Central Europe-an cities, the urban elite of Gradec consisted of wealthy merchants, craftsmen, and members of petty nobility, all of whom can be identified as owners of various estates, urban houses, or land plots in the municipal territory. Owning real estate in the city was the basic prerequisite for obtaining civil rights, which were required in order to join the city administration. Therefore, ownership was closely related to authority in medieval Gradec. Nevertheless, this research focuses on ownership over a single type of property – the palace – as the most representative private possession, at least in principle. Naturally, we could not avoid raising the issue of what the term actually denoted, but since the analysis is mostly based on archival records, the final decision and definition have been left to art historians and historians of architecture.
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Cílem je demonstrovat problematiku židovských dějin vysvětlením a v některých případech pokusem o vyvrácení určitých zažitých stereotypů. Problematika Židů v dějinách je velmi často spojena pouze s holocaustem a dějinami 20. století. Velmi často je upozaďován výklad židovského všedního života vzhledem k jejich kulturnímu a vědeckému přínosu pro společnost. Cílem je prostřednictvím pochopení určitých pojmů „nastartovat“ vidění minulosti ve světě kolem nás. Důležitou součástí je práce s digitalizovanými prameny, které mohou napomoci pochopení historie, a to zejména v regionálním kontextu.
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This research is devoted to a subject, beyond the control of the conceptual features of the critical geopolitics, on the basis of which is the understanding of the space. The major segments of belonging, which express the spatial identity of Bulgaria, are consistently analysed: Proto Bulgarian ethno-genetic root; Orthodox culture; Slavic ethnic and linguistic belonging; Balkan and European identity.
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