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Recently more attention has been paid to intercultural aspects of organization. Communication is an important element of organization and intercultural communication seems to be more difficult process. In the article the process of communication was described, giving different definitions of communication. Effective communication, the difficulties in communication and the methods of facing those difficulties were highlighted.
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The aim of this article is to present research findings from a study of public attitudes towards immigrants in the region of Western Greece (the vast majority of them from Balkan countries). Positive and negative attitudes towards immigrants in the region are correlated with political self-understanding (across the left-right spectrum) and cultural openness as reflected in attitudes towards different languages and religions and towards intercultural communication between immigrants and locals. The findings suggest that the degree of cultural openness is indeed related to the orientation of general public attitudes towards immigrants and that political self-understanding across the left-right spectrum remains relevant for explaining these attitudes. The study nevertheless found that there is only limited willingness to develop close social relationships with Balkan immigrants and that the degree of such willingness is not significantly correlated either with cultural openness or with political self-understanding.
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U kontekstu sagledavanja ekološke krize, kao velikog svjetskog problema, kultura dobiva sve veći značaj, jer uključuje univerzalni odnos Čovjeka i Prirode, cjelinu oblika življenja i djelovanja koji imaju društveno-ekonomske uslovljenosti, specifičnosti i zakonitosti koje se, nesumnjivo, manifestuju i na kvalitete prirodne okoline. Međutim, izraženi i učestali zahtjevi za tolerantnijim odnosom prema izvanjskom, prirodnom često se svode isključivo na dobru volju i ponašanje individue, što smanjuje opšti pojam kulture i sužava njen udio u savladavanju i ublažavanju ekološke krize.
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Okvir je tako uopćen da je sve dozvoljeno: ali sve uvijek znači sve i ništa. Možda neko zna što podrazumijevaju pomenuti termini: kultura, identitet, solidarnost. Ja to ne znam. I sumnjam da to neko može znati. Ponijet ću samo onoliko koliko mogu nositi, a govoriću samo ono za što mogu odgovarati. U tom smislu formulišem moj prijedlog, “moj početni udarac”.
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Na tržištu ideja u XX stoljeću, čini se da je ideja kulture početkom i krajem stoljeća imala osobitu konjukturu. Početkom stoljeća Kultura je krovni pojam u raznolikim debatama o budućnosti prosvjetiteljske ideje humanizma. Označena velikim slovom, ona reprezentira ideju univerzalnog čovjekova stvaralaštva, te se tako oblikuje u opreci prema Prirodi. Ideja Kulture, najprije postavljena na temelju vjere u izglednost povijesnog napretka i pozitivnu determinaciju ljudske evolucije, ubrzo je stavljena pod sumnju, suprotstavljena civilizaciji i tehnologizaciji ljudskog uma, osobito nakon I svjetskog rata koji je otvorio epohu historijskih katastrofa.
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Globalizacija i multikulturalnost pojavljuju se kao osnovne smjernice našeg post-industrijskog društva. S jedne strane, modernitet postaje sve više i više ujedinjujuća snaga, koja ne poznaje granice, i uvlači se, putem mondijalizirane trgovine i komunikacije, u same oblike života. On sada posjeduje snažniju ujedinjujuću i mondijalijsku moć nego što je to bilo u njegovoj industrijskoj fazi. Trgovinska logika i hedonistički moral određuju njegove vlastite zakone tržišta, a ličnosti mame na vrednosne ljestvice mondijalizma. Ali, s druge strane, uočava se također izrastanje suprotnih pojava, etničkih i religioznih. Politički teren sve više osvaja, nasuprot brisanju razlika koje čini modernitet, poziv na identitet, na multikulturalizam.
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L.I. Tegako started her studies of anthropology in the middle of 1960s when she received her research degree. The scope of her scientific interest included odontology and dermatoglyphics. For more than 40 years L.I. Tegako was a permanent supervisor of thegroup and later of the Anthropology department. From the beginning of 1970s Belarusian anthropologists started conducting complex anthropologic studies of the adult population of the republic in various parts of the country (anthropometry, anthroposcopy, dermatoglyphics, blood group factor). Comprehensive approach became the basis for studies of anthropogenic variety of local population on the territory of Belarus. In 1998, the team of anthropologists supervised by L.I. Tegako won a State Prize of the Republic of Belarus for the scope of work on the topic “Person and his biocultural adaptation”. In 2000s the scope of L.I. Tegako’s scientific interest included the determination of intersystemic correlations between dermatoglyphical and psychosomatic characteristics. During her academic career, L.I. Tegako published 17 monographs, 6 study guides, 11 brochures and 209 research papers. Lidiya Ivanovna worked at leading universities in the country; she had 7 students who completed PhD thesis. Since 1999 she worked as a professor of biology. L.I. Tegako deserves a credit for the organization of anthropological conferences in Minsk. She devoted a lot of attention to the international cooperation. As a result, L.I. Tegako contributed to the establishment of stable scientific and friendly ties with Serbian colleagues: Institute of History of the NAS of Belarus and Matica Srpska made a partnership agreement. This includes exchange of experience, scientific works, and realization of joint projects.
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GAP analiza usklađenosti zakonodavstva Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) u području kulture (Analiza) predstavlja rezultat trogodišnjeg programa “Kultura za razvoj” koji su implementirale tri organizacije Ujedinjenih nacija u BiH — UNDP, UNICEF i UNESCO — u saradnji sa Ministarstvom civilnih poslova BiH i entitetskim ministarstvima kulture i obrazovanja. Cilj je, između ostalog, bio unapređenje pravnog okvira BiH i politike rada na polju kulture.
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What is the criterion for Islamity in Islamic civilization theory? Is it faith (internal feature) or Islam (external aspect)? Emphasizing Islam as an external issue could result in hypocrisy, and highlighting faith (iman) might lead to excommunication (takfir) from the civilization. In order to respond to this question, I will argue that Islamic civilization (in both theory and practice) starts from minimum Islam to include majority of people as Muslim Ummah, then it develops by faith-training to reduce hypocrisy. Faith-based civilization could be the peak point of Islamic civilization but faith per se (without external signs) cannot be evaluated on individual and social scale. Based on this, and contrary to excommunicators, Islam is the single way for recognition of religiosity and Islamity in the civilization. And iman is the way for a rapid and successful development of humanity, morality, and rationality with the aim of creating the greatest humanized communication system that is the hard core of every civilization.
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The paper focusses on how the villagers of a mountainous region of Tzoumerka in Greece have dealt with and adapted to the inconsistencies and ruptures of post-civil war migration trends, a transition to capitalism and their integration in a modern market economy. It is indicatively reported that from the dramatic decade of the 1940s onwards, the tendency of rural exodus was a common outcome in most villages and a result of the region’s desertification and cultural abandonment, which appeared a more or less accepted fact. It is understood, however, that this did not occur. On the contrary, behind the assimilative logic of capitalism, the mountain people appear not only to ensure the terms of survival, but also to develop, through the use of a continuous “tradition”, their mountain culture and the identity of the locality. The vitality of both the region and the family is based on a number of foundational structures such as formal or informal institutions, attitudes and ways of life, shared memories, symbolic representations and meanings, realities, practices of cultural resistance and the area’s means of adaptation, all of which form a very diverse social reality.
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The paper aims to explore how local legal knowledge (customary law or Kanun) classified by the state as inferior and a sign of backwardness, has been used to solve disputeson agricultural land property at the moment of de-collectivization in Albania. The process of de-collectivization (1991–1993) is chosen to be analysed for the simple fact that it represents the moment, together with the instruments, of how the state unmakes a society by creating another one. The de-collectivization process started with the end of state Socialism. As a historical momentum, the end of the socialist totalitarian state, for many societies including the Albanian one, represented a kind of liminal zone, articulated in political, economic, social and cultural crises. Suddenly, the post-socialist society in many states produced betwixt and between crises enhanced by the new type of market-driven uncertainties and expectations. It is in such context, as the case of the decollectivization process in Albania will show below, that people use both local and state legal knowledge in order to articulate their needs, social status, identity, and dignity.
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Given the fact that, in most societies, names most directly reveal the identity of their bearers, the custom of name changes has been a relatively simple answer to sudden and often violent social changes in certain historical periods. This naturally applies to the territory of present day Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as to other countries in Southeast Europe. The Turkish Ottoman conquest in the Balkans in the late14th and the 15th centuries left a permanent mark on Croatian social structure and its naming practices. Newly established Turkish rule over a large part of Croatian territory and over the entirety of Bosnia left an indelible trace in the Croatian lexicon, and significantly shaped the structure of Croatian and Bosnian anthroponymy.
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The present study aims to determine the identity dynamics of two ethnic communities of Romania, the Turks and the Tatars. The study focusses on the Communist period inorder to highlight the way in which the political, economic, and social changes of the time were reflected in the ethnic and religious identity structures of the Turks and Tatarsin Dobruja, and it subsequently focusses on developments regarding identity after 1990. Based on field research, the study identifies patterns in the memory of the Communist period, the types of relations and attitudes towards the regime of the time, as well as the evolution of the self-image and the image of the other (Turk/Tatar) generated by the main components of identity (ethnicity, religion, origins, mother tongue, and traditions) maintained both within the socialist society and after the fall of Communism.
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This article looks at a relatively new phenomenon for Bulgaria – “downshifting” as it is practised in two Bulgarian eco communities. Like similar movements in western countries, in the past several years also in Bulgaria young, well educated people move to rural and remote areas to live and raise their families outside the framework of paid jobs and the comforts of city life. In the article I focus on the specific anti-materialist and anti-capitalist ideas of the members of the eco-communities. Also, I follow the alternative agricultural ideas of the founders of the communities, namely permaculture and regenerative agriculture to see how they correspond to their anti-consumerist ideologies, and if and how they offer alternative social and labour relations. Finally, I pay attention to the utilization of free labour in the communities to show that despite their attempts to exit the capitalist frame, “the new peasants” actually integrate non-market ideas in market relations to secure the everyday existence of the communities.
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Wars are liminal experiences that leave their traumatic marks upon people who have survived the daily proximity of violent death. In the period 1995–2013, I interviewed or talked to several Romanian World War II veterans, mainly belonging to rural communities. My goals were to understand their narrative strategies of remembering terribly painful experiences and to figure out some intercultural patterns that explain the possibility of readjusting to life in “civilian society” and coping with the “after-war crisis”. Memory studies and personal narrative theories provided a useful methodological frame for me to interpret the rich collection of materials that resulted from field research (transcriptions of interviews, war journals, letters, and rhymed chronicles). One of the most important conclusions of my research is that truth and reality are always negotiated in cultural terms, as memory and narrative shape each other so that the past may be intelligible to the present. As a consequence, people conceive their war stories according to anarrative logic that is more indebted to their cultural background (or backgrounds) than to what really happened in their individual histories. This is not indulging in self-delusion but works as an ancient therapy to cure the horror of war by the “poetry” of war.
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In the context of gender roles, this paper raises questions concerning the entrance of middle class men into the kitchen that is usually associated as a place that belongs to women and in these cases how the relationship between woman and man is effected in Turkey. In-depth interviews were held with five middle class couples living in Ankara in their own kitchens. Carrying out the interviews in the couples’ own kitchens gave us the opportunity to observe their relationship to the kitchen as well as their behaviours in the kitchen. At the end of this study, it is likely to point to the change in the meaning and state of the kitchen in addition to which we talk about the shift in the meaning from preparation of food as part of biological necessity to emphasis on life style with the entrance of men into the kitchen. Women are not always happy about men’s ownership of the kitchen on the other hand.
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This paper focusses on the ways in which the Museum of Perast functioned in the period after the 1979 earthquake, which could be seen as a Time of the Museum without Museum. Most of the historical and cultural monuments were damaged, which resulted in the establishment of institutions and the creation of laws for their restoration and protection. In 1984 the Museum was closed for restoration, which resulted in the museum artifacts being stored in the Kotor Historical Archives and the Municipality office building as well as in the storage of the textile factory “Jadran” in Perast. The museum staff continued to work in the Kotor Municipality building, collecting and classifying the museum artifacts and their documentation.
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On the evening of the 24th of March, 1999, the first air strikes hit multiple targets in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The “Operation Allied Force” had begun. The air raids lasted for 78 days. During this time, everyday life in the Serbian capital was reshaped by the bombardment. This not only affected the infrastructure of the city, but turned its inhabitants’ days and nights upside down. People were helplessly waiting for the war to end. But simply waiting cannot fill a day – waiting for the next alert, for the electricity to come back on, for the bombs to stop falling – was not enough to fill the long days. Suddenly the normally busy urbanites found themselves confronted with new tasks and had to create new routines. The Milošević regime was aware of these needs. It used the “state of exception” (Agamben 2004) to further and deepen its own propagandistic imperatives of national unity and to advertise the necessity of the “war of defence” within the nation. The state started to offer a wide range of events that not only entertained its citizens but also created forums for them to meet and to “unite” against the enemy. Beyond the state-prescribed cultural events, numerous efforts sprang up throughout the city to maintain a social and cultural life. This paper will tell of the diverse ways in which the people of Belgrade spent their time between and during the air raids.
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The article analyses the phenomenon of a calendar that seems to be an integral part of national and local identities. A calendar exposes dominant ideologies and refers to a specific construct of the past: collective memory and the practice of commemoration. Activists of Serbian feminist and anti-militarist organisations, called the Žene u crnom (Women in Black), “contest” the existing calendar and attempt to expose the processes hidden in the present scenarios of cultural memory: ethno-nationalisation and simultaneous patriarchy. Female activists are trying to bring their own alternative calendar into the public discourse. They have celebrated “new dates” through protests and demonstrations on the streets, which represent a usage of the fundamental tools of drama and performance. Introducing performative reflection carries another benefit: We can discuss the strategies of constructing the calendar as well as issues related to the strategies and tactics of collective action, namely those of intervention in social reality.
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Sve što raste, mijenja se, liječi, izraz je energija koje nam dolaze iz Zemlje i preko Sunca i koje nas nose. Ekonomija je svjesno ophođenje s ovim energijama, koje se u međuvremenu uvelike preoblikuju u stalno nove funkcije, za svrhe ljudske egzistencije. Kultura je sveukupnost životnih oblika jednog društva, u kojima se opaža temeljne energije, kao praktične funkcije i također kao poštivajuće izvore povijesnog života. Ako se ekonomija bavi samo time da ove energije koriste onako kako ih je preoblikovala naša civilizacija, tada pridolazi kulturi zadaća da razvije poštivajuću svijest, da dakle spozna temeljni uvjet ekonomskog djelovanja, da na njega podsjeća i o njemu reflektira u uvijek novim oblicima života koji se mijenjaju. Pojam energija se ovdje pokusno shvaća široko, koliko je to mislivo, i upravo tako razumijeva u smislu materijalnih kao i duhovnih učinaka. Energije se shvaća fizikalno i koristi mehanički. Energije se iskusuje kao elementarne i kao krajnje fine načine djelovanja, sve do Transcendencije.
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