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U knjizi Hitlerovi dragovoljni dželati Danijel Goldhagen razotkriva nekoliko »konvencionalnih objašnjenja« za motive koji leže u pozadini delovanja onih koje on zove »pešadincima« Holokausta. Goldhagen piše kako »shvatanja da su izvršioci doprineli genocidu zato što su bili primorani, zato što su bili nepromišljeni, poslušni izvršioci državnih naređenja, zbog sociopsihološkog pritiska, zbog izgleda za lično napredovanje, ili zato što nisu shvatali ili se nisu osećali odgovornim za ono što čine«, »nisu održiva«. Njegova opsežna analiza pojedinaca uključenih u ubijanje Jevreja, u policijskim bataljonima, u radnim logorima i marševima smrti, izdvaja virulentan, rasni antisemitizam kao nužan i dovoljan uslov za dragovoljno i oduševljeno učestvovanje tih »običnih Nemaca« u genocidnom projektu nacista.
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Hana Arent se ponekad smatra važnim izvorom ili nadahnućem savremene komunitarne političke misli. U tom shvatanju postoji izvesna mera istine, ali misliti o njenoj političkoj teoriji kao izrazito komunitarnoj više je nego pogrešno. Jer, ono što karakteriše komunitarizam kao filosofsko osporavanje liberalizma jeste njegovo naglašavanje toga kako se sopstvo konstituiše kroz kolektivni ili grupni identitet, kao i argument da nedovoljna pažnja prema snazi zajedničkih identiteta obeležava središnji nedostatak liberalno-individualističkih koncepcija političke zajednice.
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This book made for the seventieth birthday of Gábor Székely, Professor at the Eötvös Loránd University of Budapest, contains 51 studies. His colleagues wish him Happy Birthday.
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The Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences honors with this collective monograph the 70th jubilee of the one of its outstanding colleagues and friends – PhDr. Ivan Kamenec, CSc. Although Mr. Kamenec studies and interprets the modern Slovak history of the 20th century in its complexity, his lifelong scientific interest belongs to the Slovak Republic during World War II, especially its political history and personalities. He is to be counted to the top rated Slovak historians in this field. But in the first place his name in the history of the Slovak historical science is connected with the pioneer role in researching the Holocaust in Slovakia. Before 1989 he had been the first to open this taboo theme and the years later his research results inspired the whole group of new historians and brought Dr. Kamenec the international respect among Holocaust specialists. The collective monograph From the History of the Democratic and Totalitarian Regime in the 20th Century Slovakia and Czechoslovakia deals with not yet fully researched areas of the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks and its international context and relations. The texts are aimed at some historical events in the period of the first, interwar Czechoslovak Republic, at the phenomena in the history of the Slovakia during WWII and at the development before and after communist takeover after the war. All the chapters are written by outstanding specialists in the given themes, coming from the Institute of History of SAS, from the other history institutions and universities of Slovakia and the Czech Republic. The book begins with the two texts dealing with the professional life and the scientific work of Ivan Kamenec. In the first one Herta Tkadlečková – the former university teacher of I. Kamenec – remembers in an essay like form “how has become the modest student a reputable historian”. Taking as an example the birth and its circumstances of the Kamenec’s books, she depicts the complicated lot of a historian dealing with the modern history. The second text written by Nina Paulovičová compares the crucial “Holocaust” book of Ivan Kamenec On the Trail of the Tragedy with some same topic books published in abroad. Showing various aspects of the author’s interpretation of the Jewish fate in war time Slovakia she prizes not only the scientific value of this monograph, but also its social and moral importance. The next part of the book already speaks about some aspects of the (Czecho-) Slovak history in the time between the two world wars. Milan Zemko analyzes the political system of the first Czechoslovak Republic from the point of view of the political parties acting in the National assembly. He shows the changing picture of their antagonisms and cooperation, being more and more based upon nationalism and resulting in the hard confrontation between “Czechoslovak” (Czech and Slovak) political parties and the political representative bodies of the national minorities – German and Hungarian. Ľubica Kázmerová has aimed her attention at the development of the Slovak educational system in the given period. Comparing the differences and common features of the Slovakia and Czech lands, she presents how at the beginning the disastrous educational situation in Slovakia positively changed in the first two decades of the existence of the Czechoslovak Republic. The third text of this part of the book written by Peter Švorc is a sound into the regional and local history of the small Spiš town – Spišská Belá. The author deals with the local political life represented by leftist and right wing political groupings and concentrates in the case of Jewish inhabitance on the interethnic relations. Wartime Slovak state, Jewish question and the Slovak uprising are the main subjects of the second part of the monograph. Eduard Nižňanský states that the anti-Semitic politics was characteristic not only for the wartime Slovak Republic (from March the 14th, 1939), but its basic features had developed already in the last phase of the Czecho-Slovakia’s existence – in the period of the Slovak autonomy. This statement author documents on the case of the Anti-Jewish pogrom in Piešťany in early March 1939. The term “Jew” and its place in the law system of the wartime Slovak state examines in her text Katarína Zavacká. Analyzing the corresponding legal acts, she shows the parallel between depriving the Jews of their civil rights and the decay of democratic system. On the contrary to the Jews, who were not acknowledged as a minority, in the Slovak Republic existed three officially declared national minorities – German, Hungarian and Ruthenian. At the problem of their legal status in the political system of the wartime Slovak Republic is aimed the text of Ondrej Podolec. From the point of view of international context the historians deal in the given period with the two aspects – first there are the international relations of the Slovak Republic, and second aspect are the activities of the Slovak Pro-Allied exile. The less known events in the official relations between Slovak republic and U.S.S.R. examines Dagmar Čierna-Lantayová. Based upon the archival research in Moscow the text shows the development of the diplomatic relations from their beginning to the time, when the Slovak army entered the war against Russia. The exile problem represents the writing of Vilém Prečan. It comments four here-published documents, which show the unknown facts and the chain of circumstances of the detention of Vladimír Clementis – the prominent Slovak communist – during his stay in France in 1939. About the French attitude to the Slovakia and Slovak question writes also Pavol Petruf. In the text he concentrates on the given problem at first till the defeat of the France in 1940 and then on the attitude of the Vichy and the de Gaulle’s Free France to the Slovak Republic and in the same time to the Slovak exile. The last block of this part of the book pays attention to the various, less known aspects of the Slovak National Uprising in 1944. It begins with the first research results on the anti-resistance propaganda in the uprising and on the uprising, including the German official media. The military campaigns of rising are not perceived here as an object of research, but as case of escalation of the social conflict, widely covered by printed media. The author – Marína Zavacká widely analyses and interprets the vocabulary of this propaganda. The print-media are the subject also of the text of Jan Rychlík. In this case the author in details documents, how the official newspapers in Protectorate reflected the course of the uprising and how they used it for their own propaganda. The closing text crosses the chronological line of this part. It looks at the uprising from the point of view of historical memory. Its author – Elena Mannová – using the social-historical and cultural-historical approach is searching for various interpretations of the rising and their reflection in the collective memory from 1945 to the end of the century. Mannová’s text leads the reader to the part of the monograph dealing with the post-war period before and after the communist takeover. In the first text Michal Barnovský gives the brief characteristics of the function, structure and the activities of the National Front in Slovakia in 1945- 1948. After analyzing them the author states that although the monopoly of power of the NF made the communist takeover in February 1948 easier, its existence had not been the necessary condition for it. The communist coup d’etat had been victorious because of using the material power and the Soviet pressure. The second text dealing with the given period is from Edita Ivaničková. She tries to document the foreign policy interests of the Slovaks in 1944-1948, shows their possibilities, limits and their outcomes. Being concentrated on the solution of the Slovak question within the post-war republic, the Slovak politicians paid less attention to the foreign policy and loosing their fight for democracy they also lost the opportunity to develop their foreign policy interests. Another text dealing with the international aspects has written Slavomír Michálek. He depicts the case – known in its time in the West as “the freedom flight” – when the three Czechoslovak citizens trying to escape the communist regime highjacked in 1953 the airplane and landed in the U.S. occupation zone of Germany. The following diplomatic incident between United States and Czechoslovakia was the only constructive solved matter in that period of the fully frozen bi-lateral relations. Being Michálek’s text based upon the archival research, the next one – by Jozef Leikert – is an interesting combination of Oral History and the study of the contemporary material. It shows one period of the life of the well-known Slovak writer and journalist Ladislav Mňačko, when he was as a young communist working in the daily paper Pravda and supporting the Stalinist regime in Czechoslovakia. The next text written by Vladimír Goněc concentrates on another personality, this time from the camp of the communist opponents. He analyses the activities and above all the ideas of the one of the leaders of the émigré organization – the Council of Free Czechoslovakia – Hubert Ripka. The reader may get acquainted with his opinion in the second half of the 50-ties not only on the development in the Central Europe, but on the global policy as well. With the text of Jan Pešek the book turns back to the inner development of Slovakia within the Czechoslovak state. The author describes one fragment in the history of the Slovak communist party with long reaching consequences – the changes in its leading positions in 1962-1964. It means the fall of the old functionaries connected with K. Gottwald and A. Novotný and the coming of a new guard of communist leaders (e.g. A. Dubček) not directly burdened by the unlawfulness of the past. The next text by Miroslav Londák follows up chronologically with the previous chapter. The author analyzes the Czechoslovak economic reform in the 60-ties and its break down after the invasion in August 1968. He states that the base and the scope of the reform plans had been incompatible with the given socialist system in Czechoslovakia and it undermined its fundaments. The new democratic Czechoslovakia and its break down is the theme examined by Jozef Žatkuliak. He goes through the discussions about the new relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks in a federal republic after 1989, follows the proceedings of various political groupings and their leaders up to the end of the Czechoslovakia and the birth of the independent Slovak state in 1993. The last part of this collective monograph deals with the themes of democracy, individual and collective ideological consciousness in the 20th century Slovakia. Dušan Kováč writes about democracy, political culture and the heritage of totalitarianism in the historical process. He states among others that in Central European countries is the experience with the life in democracy very limited. Czechoslovak republic in the inter-war period was only a single country with the real parliamentary democracy. Introduction of the general suffrage and the plural political party system was not without danger in Central Europe and in other post-communist countries. Functioning democracy needs a relative high level of political culture. Without this could democracy shrink to the electoral machinery connected with populism and with the growth of nationalism. Roman Holec returns back into the end of the 19th and the first half of 20th centuries and introduces the “forgotten Slovak leftist intellectual” – Hugo Matzner. He follows his life from his youth up to the death in 1948. Through Matzner’s activities in the social-democratic party and his leftist intellectual maturity the author indirectly shows the development in Slovakia from the last period of Austria-Hungary till the communist take over in 1948. Another portrait of the well-known Slovak personality Alexander Matuška – the best representative of the Slovak literary criticque and essay in the 20th century – closes the summarized monograph. Vlasta Jaksicsová in her text goes though the key moments of his life and writings, where he presents himself as an original and severe critic of the Slovak past and present and the commentator on the Slovak characteristic features. And she underlines, that Matuška is a favorite author also for Ivan Kamenec and that the writer and the historian have many common features.
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This book presents 27 portraits from Central Europe of 20th century. What is Central Europe? It's not easy to determine it. This region was always in the crossfire of dispute. Central Europe resembles Egyptian dying and rising gods, but the region exists and it has given many distinguished personalities to Europe and the World. The book presents this richness.
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The book approaches the history of Latvia from the earlist traces of human habitat to the present. It is a rather detailed analysis blending methods of political history, social history, economic history, international relations, nationalities studies, etc. and tackling the main lines of history of all communities living or which have lived in Latvia.
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Upravo doneti Zakon kojim se rehabilituju svi “ideološki” protivnici komunizma, počinje sa datumom od 6. aprila 1941. što je istovremeno i njegov najzanimljiviji deo. Imali smo priliku da slušamo predlagače i zagovornike zakona1 koji su svojom srčanom odbranom ratnih “ideoloških” protivnika komunizma, nedvosmisleno potvrdili da je čitava stvar i smišljena isključivo zbog njih, a da ih oni posle 1945. ustvari i ne zanimaju, odnosno, da su samo “kolateralna šteta” pokušaja rehabilitacije kvislinga iz vremena Drugog svetskog rata. Saopštili su nam i da bi čitav komunistički period trebalo jednostavno proglasiti zločinačkim čime bi, misle oni, po automatizmu bili rehabilitovani svi njegovi “ideološki” protivnici, a oni ratni proglašeni borcima za pravednu stvar. Zato možemo očekivati da će (kao što se već desilo sa četnicima) ovog puta “demokratama” biti proglašeni nedićevci i ljotićevci, pa će po automatizmu “demokrate” postati i balisti, hortijevci, ustaše, i na kraju, sam nemački Rajh. Svi oni zaista jesu bili “ideološki” protivnici komunizma, ali je, sasvim sigurno, Hitler bio najveći. Zato nije slučajno danas, njihov “ideološki” antikomunizam i početak i kraj svake argumentacije, uz prećutkivanje da su kao protivnici komunizma bili i aktivni protivnici celokupne antihitlerovske koalicije čiji je komunizam bio sastavni deo. Prećutkuje se i da je njihov “ideološki” antikomunizam u tadašnjem shvatanju pojma podrazumevao veličanje nacizma, antidemokratiju, i na prvom mestu, antisemitizam, “slučajno”, baš u vreme kada su milioni Jevreja ubijani u “Velikom Nemačkom Rajhu”.
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Describing the Jewish communities in the multi-religious history of Iraq can only take place from a historical perspective, simply because they no longer exist. Apart from a few individuals, there is no future perspective at this point in time.
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The Karaites are one of the religious communities erased from the memory of Iraq. Today hardly anybody in Iraq remembers this centuries-old religious community rooted in the Abrahamic faith of Islam, Christianity and mainstream Judaism. Multiple marginalisations resulted in nobody ever telling the story of the last Karaites in Iraq. The isolated and rural community in the town of Hīt in Anbar did not have any intellectuals to document their history. Later, Karaite Jews became a minority among the rabbinic Jews in Israel and the Iraqi Karaites were even a tiny minority within the minority of the Karaites of Israel. Without anyone interested in their history, even the second generation in Israel did not think that the stories of their parents and grandparents would be worth recording and telling.
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MIXER, Aleksandar Novaković: Jevreji kao dramatis personae u srpskoj drami; CEMENT, Bojan Samson: Ćorsokak. Retrovizor. Rikverc; ARMATURA Sonja Gočanin: Strah od hiperseksualizacije; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Tomica Ćirić: Mi čekamo ovčara, Pseudo Lucić: Falolatrijska tužbalica; BLOK BR. V, Kosmoplovci: Krpelj #240
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MIXER, Filip David: Uloga Nedičevog kvinsliškog režima u „konačnom rešenju“ jevrejskog pitanja; CEMENT, Saša Ćirić: No pasaran, radovi na putu; ŠTRAFTA, Vladimir Arsenić: Razbijanje Ninove nagrade, Goran M. Antić: Nešto je trulo u srpskom pravosuđu; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Tomislav Marković: Jadi mladoga Entera, Predrag Lucić: Da te nije, Srbija; BLOK BR. V, Aleksa Jovanović i Lazar Bodroža: Avanture zeca Milorada
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Vane Ivanović je umro 4. aprila 1999. Nekoliko nedelja pred smrt nije bio pri svesti, pa nije ni znao da je 24. marta NATO započeo bombardovanje Srbije. To mi je rekao njegov mlađi sin Andrija kada mi je telefonirao da mi saopšti tužnu vest i zamoli da je prosledim njegovim jugoslovenskim prijateljima u Britaniji. Sećam se da je u tom trenutku J. bila pored mene i da me je bezuspešno tešila. Nisam mogao da zadržim suze. Kada sam se malo pribrao, telefonirao sam profesoru Stevanu Pavloviću, a zatim i ostalim zajedničkim prijateljima. Imao sam osećaj da je Vanetov odlazak značio mnogo više nego lični gubitak za porodicu i prijatelje, među kojima sam poslednjih godina njegovog života bio i ja. Baš u kontekstu strašnih događaja iz poslednje decenije prošlog veka – gubitak stotina hiljada života, miliona domova, stotine hiljada, ako ne i milioni fizički i mentalno osakaćenih ljudi, nestanak jedne zemlje, zajedničkog jezika, zajedničkih uspomena… – osećao sam da je Vanetov odlazak bio posebno težak gubitak. J., Amerikanka, nije mogla da razume kako može jedan čovek, koji pritom nije bio predsednik ili bar vođa političke partije, nego emigrant, doduše dobrostojeći, toliko da znači za jedan narod. Nisam uspeo, a možda ni umeo, da joj objasnim. Već smo se bili raspravljali oko NATO bombardovanja: ona, Amerikanka, stidela se politike svoje zemlje i bila je gotovo stoprocentno na srpskoj strani. Ja sam pokušavao da razumem sve tri (dve?) strane u sukobu, ali sam se najviše stideo i najviše osuđivao zločine koje je činila srpska strana. Stalno sam se pitao šta bi Vane rekao i kako bi se držao. Bio sam uveren da sam postupao kao što bi i on: on bi osudio zločine srpske strane, sigurno ne bi podržavao albanski nacionalizam i akcije UČK, bio bi protiv daljeg cepanja jugoslovenskog prostora, i ne bi podržao zapadnu vojnu intervenciju protiv njegovih Jugoslovena. Jednom rečju, bio bi u ‘mini manjini’ (kako bi on rekao) i bilo bi mu užasno teško. Kao što je bilo i meni, profesoru Pavloviću, Desimiru Tošiću, Jasni Dragović, Dejanu Joviću i ostalim prijateljima s kojima sam tada bio u stalnom kontaktu.
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Ultraortodoksna zajednica (haredim) oduvek izaziva žestoke kritike sekularnih izraelskih građana. Njihova različitost, zatvorenost, njihovi neobični običaji i vođe koji mumlaju molitve, staromodna odeća, odnos prema ženama, odbijanje da rade i služe vojni rok (ne daj bože!), to što njihova deca uče po odvojenom školskom programu – sve to neprekidno doliva ulje na vatru. Mržnja prema njima je slepa, preterana i neprikladna. Ponekad se graniči sa antisemitizmom. Reči koje se izgovaraju protiv njih su ružne i nepristojne, među najgorima koje se čuju u javnom prostoru.
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This paper proposes to compare the ideological and legal frameworks of the Romanian and Hungarian Jewish labor service system. The analysis brings into focus Transylvania, a territory which was divided between Hungary and Romania in the time of the Second World War. Between 1940-1944 the northern part of Transylvania was part of Hungary, while the southern territories belonged to Romania. This territory split in two had a Jewish population with common characteristics like their Hungarian language and culture and their socio-cultural background. However, their fate in the time of the Holocaust were totally different.
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In Israel as in other countries, when the COVID-19 epidemic surfaced it exacerbated the existing divisions and tensions in society. A group that came under severe attack from the public was the Jewish Ultraorthodox population (the Haredi). This was due to disregard on the part of certain ultra orthodoxgroups of the restrictions imposed in response to the epidemic and an exceptionally high infection rate in that community – as much as 70% of cases recorded from February until May this year affected members of that community.
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The publication serves as a support for secondary school teachers for the development of activation teaching in history.
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Se židovskou tematikou se setkáváme v našich zemích již od 10. století, kdy do českých zemí přicházeli první Židé. Od té doby se Židé opakovaně stávali cílem útoku ostatních, často přicházeli nejen o svůj majetek, ale i o své životy. Vše vyvrcholilo druhou světovou válkou a holocaustem. Historie židovského obyvatelstva i jeho každodenního života je bohužel v rámci středoškolského vyučování opomíjena – převážně z časových důvodů. Proto je velmi důležité i v dnešní době, kdy antisemitismus není výjimkou, aby se studenti o židovské tematice dozvěděli a společně o ní diskutovali. Díky níže popsaným programovým blokům se se studenty můžeme dotknout nejen perzekucí židovské komunity, transportů a poválečné situace, ale také židovských tradic a zvyků.
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