18+. Knjiga o nešto drugačijim muškarcima

Author(s): Jozo Blaževic,Feda Bobic,Saša Gavric,Jasmina Cauševic / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

Kada smo 2010. godine krenuli da radimo za i sa lezbejkama, gejevima, biseksualnim i trans* osobama, suočili smo se vrlo brzo sa činjenicom da su život i svakodnevnica ovih grupa u potpunosti nevidljivi u Bosni i Hercegovini. Kroz rad sa zajednicom mnogo puta smo se uvjerili da su gej, biseksualni i trans* muškarci diskriminirani na razne načine u heteronormativnom društvu. Sa druge strane, i u okviru same LGBT zajednice, određene grupe muškaraca se suočavaju sa predrasudama. Biseksualnost se često smatra nepostojanom i prelaznom fazom ka homoseksualnosti, a o transrodnosti, transeksualnosti i transvestiji se ponekad govori kroz podsmjeh i prezir i u okviru LGBT zajednice. Gej, biseksualni i trans* muškarci su najčešće u BiH vidljivi samo u kontekstu nasilja i diskriminacije. Sarajevski otvoreni centar želi da učini vidljivim specifičnosti svake od ovih grupa muškaraca, da ih na taj način osnaži i pruži im prostor da ispričaju svoje priče o identitetima, različitosti, neprihvatanju ili prihvatanju, priče o svojim unutrašnjim svjetovima, maštanjima, žudnji, strahovima, stidu, strasti, slobodi, oprezu, hrabrosti i, konačno, coming outu. Upravo zbog toga je nastala i ova knjiga. 18+. Knjiga o nešto drugačijim muškarcima predstavlja nastavak našeg nastojanja da dokumentujemo, prikažemo, i što široj javnosti približimo LGBT svakodnevnicu. Objavljivanjem knjige Više od etikete. O ženama koje vole žene početkom 2013. predstavili smo „žensku“ perspektivu, dok je ova knjiga njen „muški“ pandan. Knjiga se sastoji iz četiti dijela. U prvom dijelu Mladen Lakić daje pregled 15 intervjua, koje su Jozo Blažević, Feđa Bobić i Jasmina Čaušević vodili sa parovima i pojedincima. Gej, biseksualni i trans* muškarci govore o svojoj seksualnosti, vezama i mnogim drugim aspektima nešto drugačije muške svakodnevnice. Nakon toga, u integralnoj formi predstavljamo intervju sa Mirnesom Kubatom Vanillom. Uvjerite se i sami zašto je ova priča jedinstvena. U trećem poglavlju donosimo lične coming out priče, dok nam u četvrtom dijelu Ivan Šunjić pruža prostorno-vremenski analitičko-teorijski pogled na seksualnost, identitete i proces kakav je coming out. Umjetnički radovi nešto drugačijih muškaraca – fotografije, slike i grafike, na vizuelan način upotpunjuju knjigu pričajući svoje priče. Takođe, u knjizi se nalaze i dokumentarističke fotografije slovenske fotografkinje Tanje Ristić, i na ovom mjestu joj se najtoplije zahvaljujemo što nam je ustupila svoj rad na korištenje. Kao inicijator ovog projekta, želim da se srdačno zahvalim svojim ko-priređivačima i priređivačici: Jozi, Feđi i Jasmini bez kojih ovaj projekt možda nikada ne bi bio realizovan. Zahvalnost dugujem i Mladenu na autorskoj obradi i uobličavanju obilnog i inspirativnog materijala koji su intervjui obezbijedili, te Ivanu na smještanju knjige u savremene teorijske okvire kroz svoj pogovor. Hvala i Dini na lekturi, te Feđi, još jednom, na prelomu i dizajnu knjige. I za kraj, želimo se zahvaliti i Fondaciji Planet Romeo koja je podržala nastanak ove knjige, te Ambasadi Norveške u BiH koja je finansirala štampu.

1995-2015 - Women and Political Life in Post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Marina Velickovic,Arijana Aganovic,Edita Miftari,Saša Gavric / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

(English edition) While working on improving our program and portfolio on women’s human rights we quickly realized the absence of a detailed and visible account of “women’s” history in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although there are a significant number of publications and several activist initiatives that address certain fragments of history and explore events, periods of time, and regions, there is currently no exhaustive institutional account of women in Bosnia, nor are attempts being made to create one. The academic community has unfortunately failed in this area. The history of women and their contribution to public life remains at the margins of academic inquiry. The Sarajevo Open Centre published the book Women Documented: Women and Public Life in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 20th Century. The book was edited by Jasmina Čaušević, a program coordinator at the Sarajevo Open Centre, in cooperation with ten authors. Through publishing this book, the Sarajevo Open Centre and our partner organizations wanted to celebrate the centenary of the First World War in a different way. It was precisely the work on Women Documented that revealed to us the need for further work exploring women’s history in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We hope that our (virtual) museum of women’s history in Bosnia will eventually be institutionalized in Bosnian society. In November and December 2015, we will commemorate the 20-year anniversary of the Dayton Peace Accords – the international agreement that brought peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina and laid the foundations for the long and grueling process of peace-making and trust-building. The Dayton Peace Process was, as this book will demonstrate, a classic example of male politics. The commemoration will, again, be dominated by men – Bosnian and Herzegovinian and world leaders. We decided to conduct this research and publish this book to challenge the male-dominated approach to memory. This publication aims to offer systematic insight into the role played by women in political life. Our goal is to offer a better understanding and a concise overview of political life over the past 20 years, based on the stories of a number of women - activists, politicians and institutional leaders - with the hope that it will inspire other authors to explore BiH political history during this period of time. Since this aspect of history is particularly under-researched, the very process of gathering information was challenging and so we welcome constructive criticism, comments, and suggestions for improvement and enrichment of this text. I would like to thank Marina, Arijana and Edita, who accepted to work with the Sarajevo Open Centre on this project. I would also like to thank my colleague Maida Zagorac, who has helped me immensely with her excellent oversight of both the technical and the substantive aspects of this text. I also owe thanks to the Embassy of Swiss Confederation in Bosnia and Herzegovina for supporting our work and the research of women’s history in Bosnia and Herzegovinian.

20 év reform Angliában – A versengő iskolák és az esélyteremtés

Author(s): Eszter Neumann / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2008

Eszter Neumann gives a review of the educational reforms that took place in the last two decades in England with a special focus on equity issues. The first part of the article gives a brief overview of the neo-liberal educational policies and explains the recent shift to centralization carried out with the use of knowledge-based regulation tools. Policies addressing disadvantaged students are embedded into larger programs that are meant to improve the quality of education in general. Next, the paper discusses the various interpretations and frameworks of equal educational opportunities that have been in use in the past 20 years through the analysis of specific educational programs which encourage the dissemination of innovative ideas and best practices in schools located in economically depressed areas. All in all, the question rises whether the policy goals of equity and educational excellence are conflicting or could be achieved parallel.

2003–2015: ERA MEHANIZAMA ZA RODNU RAVNOPRAVNOST

Author(s): Edita Miftari / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 0

Ovo poglavlje obrađuje žensku politiku i angažmane najaktivnijih političarki u BiH od usvajanja Zakona o ravnopravnosti spolova 2003. godine do trenutka pisanja ovog poglavlja 2015. godine. Usvajanje ovog Zakona se u historiji bh. ženske politike postavlja kao prekretnica u ženskoj političkoj participaciji, a najviše zato što je rodna kvota od 40% koju uvodi dovela i do harmonizacije drugih ključnih zakonskih odredbi, kao što su odredbe Izbornog zakona BiH, o čemu će također biti riječi u poglavlju koje slijedi. Jedan od vrlo važnih momenata u ženskom političkom udruživanju, pored udruživanja unutar političkih partija u različite forume, asocijacije i aktive, predstavlja i formiranje prvog nadstranačkog kluba u Parlamentu Federacije BiH 2013. godine. Stoga će ovo poglavlje obraditi izazove i prepreke sa kojima su se susretale federalne parlamentarke u implementiranju ove inicijative. Ovo poglavlje će obraditi i segment izvršne vlasti u BiH, s obzirom da posljednjih godina žene obnašaju sve više izvršnih funkcija na svim nivoima u BiH, ali će također biti riječi i o unutarstranačkim strukturama nekih političkih partija, odnosno o položaju žena na pozicijama odlučivanja unutar njihovih političkih opcija. Za kraj, ovo poglavlje će kratko predstaviti i nove nade na političkoj sceni u BiH koje predstavljaju budućnost bh. ženske politike.

2003-2015: THE ERA OF GENDER EQUALITY MECHANISMS

Author(s): Edita Miftari / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

This chapter covers women’s politics and activism in the period between the adoption of the Gender Equality Law in 2003 and 2015, when this chapter was written. The Gender Equality Law is seen as a turning point for the political participation of women in BiH, primarily because it demanded the harmonization of other laws, including the Electoral Law, with the 40% gender quota it introduced. Another key moment for women’s organizations was the formation of The Club of Women Parliamentarians FBiH in 2013. This chapter will elaborate on the challenges and obstacles the women in the Federal Parliament faced during the implementation of this initiative. The chapter will also discuss the role of women in the Executive since recent years have seen an increase in the number of posts held by women at all levels of the BiH government. The internal organization of political parties will also be discussed, specifically – the role women play in the decisionmaking bodies of their chosen political parties. In its conclusion, this chapter will present the emerging female politicians who represent the future of women’s politics in BiH.

2017 Pink Report - Annual Report on the State of Human Rights of LGBTI People in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Emina Bošnjak,Vladana Vasic,Inela Hadžic,Darko Pandurevic / Language(s): English / Issue: */2017

The years 2016 and 2017 brought about significant changes in the context of the number of violations of LGBTI human rights documented by Sarajevo Open Centre. The number of cases of discrimination and violence on the ground of sexual orientation documented by Sarajevo Open Centre did not decrease, neither did the number of LGBTI persons who contacted Sarajevo Open Centre in search of assistance in asylum seeking, changing the sex marker in documents, adequate psychological support or help in obtaining documents required for marriage/same-sex partnership in countries which allow it. Of particular concern is the increase of domestic violence and peer violence motivated by sexual orientation or gender identity, and the growing number of open and public instances of homophobic and transphobic views in the academic institutions and the academia as a whole. It is clear that, in addition to amendments to laws and public policies, it is necessary for the institutions in BiH to develop specific programmes and measures of action to combat intolerance, xenophobia, violence, and discrimination and to encourage social inclusion of LGBTI people. The improvement of the legal framework in BiH – the amendments to the Anti-Discrimination Law and introduction of sex characteristics as a protected ground, the amendments to the Criminal Code of FBIH and regulation of hate crime – is certainly commendable but these legal novelties should however be introduced into the mandatory training of civil servants, the judiciary and the police. The general public should also be informed about them to contribute to their implementation and the achievement of their purpose. The first step in that regard has already been made in the Gender Action Plan operational plans of entity governments and the Council of Ministers, but this type of action with regard to LGBTI human rights must continue and become more comprehensive. The Special Report on LGBTI Rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina produced by the Institution of Human Rights Ombudsman of BiH is the first of its kind and certainly serves as basis for the change of attitude towards LGBTI human rights in BiH. In its analysis of the situation and recommendations, the report departs from the practice of healing the consequences and takes a proactive approach to the improvement of human rights of LGBTI citizens in BiH with the overall goal to improve the conditions of their everyday life in BiH and to respect their human dignity.

2018 Pink Report - Annual Report on the State of Human Rights of LGBTI Persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Vladana Vasic,Emina Bošnjak,Darko Pandurevic,Liam Isic,Jozo Blaževic,Lejla Huremovic / Language(s): English / Issue: */2018

The legislative framework for protecting the human rights of LGBTI persons and ensuring their equality has improved somewhat in the past three years. However, our research on the needs and problems of the LGBTI community in BiH conducted in 2017 has shown that hate speech, discrimination and violence against the LGBTI community are still a widespread occurrence. LGBTI persons are often unable to lead a normal life or meet basic human, social or cultural needs (e.g. be open about their romantic relationships, express their gender, etc.). The fear of violence, discrimination and/or exclusion frequently results in extreme self-isolation and reluctance to engage in certain cultural or social activities, express one’s views, etc. The results of monitoring discrimination and violence throughout 2017 show that transgender persons are particularly vulnerable. Even media reporting, which is usually neutral, took a sensationalist tone and focused exclusively on the sex-reassignment process, instead of the transphobic environment and its effects on the life of transgender persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The negative trend of growing domestic violence and peer violence on the grounds of SOGISC continued in 2017. There is still no concrete, institutional plan to combat peer violence and develop an inclusive, tolerant learning environment that incorporates the LGBTI perspective. Restricting freedom of assembly of LGBTI persons through administrative obstacles on the local and cantonal level is the most alarming trend. If it continues, this trend could seriously jeopardise and limit the work of LGBTI activists and civil society organisations that work on protecting the rights of LGBTI persons. Unfortunately, the growing violence, discrimination and restriction of the rights and freedoms of LGBTI persons elicited only sporadic responses from most institutions in charge of protecting and promoting human rights, including the rights of LGBTI persons. This creates a climate in which alleged security issues, assessed by various social actors who should not and cannot make decisions impacting people’s rights and freedoms, take precedence over protecting the rights and freedoms of LGBTI persons and ensuring equal treatment. The lack of a systematic, quick and adequate response from the authorities may further undermine the faith of LGBTI persons in the institutions, especially those most responsible for protecting human rights: the police and judiciary, as well as local institutions in charge of providing services to LGBTI citizens.

A Debreceni egyetemisták értékvilága

Author(s): Béla Marián / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 2/2012

Only ten percent of students describe themselves as observant believers – that is, following the teachings of his/her denomination – which was the most distinctive factor between different groups of opinions revealed by the analysis. 61 percent of students belong to some kind of denomination, and 57 percent consider themselves believers to some extent (47% in its own way, 10% of which follow the teachings of his/her own Church). The value system had by non-religious students can be seen as an average. Apart from their lack of religious affiliation, there are no other distinguishing factors in relation to most students here. The group of university students who are religious to some extent can be divided to two groups based on different opinions held by them. The most important dimension of this separation is tolerance: the first group has an attitude of acceptance towards ethnic, social and cultural minority groups, while the second has a more exclusionary attitude. Tolerant religious students are more open and more susceptible to positive values than are their non-religious/less tolerant religious peers. Finally, also found was a fourth group of values: one tenth of students in Debrecen can be characterised as being very pessimistic, as having a negative psychological state and as being sceptical when it comes to positive values. The influence of the ‘spirit’ of the University of Debrecen can be seen in the difference between the older and younger students. In relation to a positive change, there is an indisputable role to be playing by someone’s maturing – though we should mention here that the university does orientate its students in the direction of more tolerance and having a stronger commitment to positive values.

A general theory of jokes whose butts are the stupid and the canny

Author(s): Christie Davies / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2009

Jokes about stupidity are extremely common in most countries, as ethnic, national, regional and locality jokes, political jokes, jokes about occupations and social classes, and blonde and Essex-girl jokes. The aim of this paper is to provide a theory that will explain why such diverse groups of people should be the butts of what is essentially the same joke. It will also explain jokes that are the opposite of the stupidity jokes, the widespread jokes about the canny (clever, crafty, calculating, stingy), whether jokes about ethnic groups, regional groups, townspeople or occupations. The key explanatory variables are first, the dominance of centre over periphery whether defined in geographical, cultural, language or social class terms and second, among the powerful, the contrast between those who hold arbitrary monopoly power based on control of the state and the means of force and those who have achieved their position through legitimate competition.

A Generation in Distress: Perspectives of Young People in Bulgaria and Southeast Europe

Author(s): Magdalena Preshlenova / Language(s): English / Issue: 05-06/2016

The current socio-political and economic environment places Europe’s youth in a burdensome position. The financial crisis from the past decade, as well as the remnants of the political transitions after the fall of communism in Southeast Europe, have spelled some of the worst conditions for young people in historic terms, particularly in this region.Youth unemployment is unprecedentedly high. The education system seems to fail in providing young people with the skills and knowledge to succeed. Governments are perceived as vastly detached from the issues relevant to their youngest constituencies. Political apathy is rampant. In the present environment, perspectives of young people are increasingly important, as they signal the urgent areas of action and can navigate social research and government policy. The present paper provides an overview of the current attitudes among young people in Bulgaria and Southeast Europe based on previous research and personal observation, filling some of the existing gaps in common perceptions of young citizens.

A hiányzó ágens. Az önkormányzatok és az esélykiegyenlítő oktatáspolitika

Author(s): János Zolnay / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 4/2008

In his article János Zolnay assesses the factors behind the failures of government’s anti-segregation and pro-integration educational policies in the last six years. The performance of children at schools and chances for entering higher education is determined by early school choice to a much greater extent in Hungary than in most OECD countries. Decentralization of the centralized educational system already began before political transition and the process was accomplished by 1993. The new system was based on a more liberal curriculum and output-regulation, normative funding and diversified school structure. Local municipal councils became responsible for maintaining public schools. Funding for maintenance from state budget is normative and non ear-marked. The government’s integration policies intended to stop and reverse segregation tendencies between schools, branches and classes, but despite the considerable efforts these goals could not have been achieved. The fundamental dilemma is whether opportunities in the sphere of public education can be made more equal while leaving the current system untouched. The problem is that there is no agent at the decision making nor at the executive level which would be willing and/or capable of implementing governmental measures targeted at providing for more equal opportunities. Undoubtedly the policies applied by the local governments enhance inequalities. It is also true however, that parental choices also count and thus unequal distribution of educational services is both a result of the choice of influential parents and the existence of attractive schools.

A Man in Highly Developed Technological Society

Author(s): Milan Radosavljevic,Života Radosavljevic,Irina Somina / Language(s): English / Issue: 16/2016

If we analyze the contemporary literature in the field of personnel department, and human resources management at the global level, we will find more or less the statement that a man is the most valuable potential of organizations that people are the greatest wealth and irreplaceable factor in every organization. At the level of the UN numerous declarations were adopted on human rights, in order to protect and improve their basic rights. On the basis of national legislations numerous laws were adopted about the rights of employees, women, children, minorities, etc. Many associations were formed for the protection of the so-called “vulnerable” groups and communities, in order to preserve His Majesty, man. However, practice shows a completely different situation and tendencies. The more you talk about the man or about the people more problems arise on that point. It turns out that the status or treatment of the man in the organization at the national, but also at the global level is far below declarative submissions or preferences. This refers especially on companies and organizations with high organic composition of capital that is, where technology prevails. It has never been more wars, inter-ethnic and inter-state conflicts with tragic consequences, millions of refugees and migrants who go from one continent to another in spite of a large number of resolutions at the level of the international community on human rights. If we would test the top management of large companies about their knowledge of human dimension in their organizations, we would come to devastating results, and that is that they are far more familiar with the material factors (instruments of labor, tools, accessories) the time necessary to execute the repair of machines, replacement of some parts, assemblies and subassemblies. In contrast to the above, the human potential is not being talked about, or it is talked about in secondary and irrelevant discussions. All indicates that the technology is being developed, and that man is not equally developed with it, although it is he who has created it. All stated above imposes the need to point out the place and importance of man in modern, technological, turbulent and uncertain organization. The aim of this paper is to show and prove the growing importance of man in the organization through arguments, especially from the standpoint in the future and in terms of increasing usage of modern information technology.

A német nemzetiségi és faji politika Magyarországon a II. világháború idején

Author(s): Tibor Dömötörfi / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 01/2016

The chief aim of the foreign minority policies of nazi Germany was to secure the acknowledgement of „völkisch” German minorities as an officially organised ethnic group (Volksgruppe) with autonomy rights. But during World War II the integrative ethnic policy with regard to the Germans was gradually pushed to the background by an exclusion policy which the nazi regime applied to the „inferior” peoples and races, and took the form of prosecution and extermination on the basis of ethnicity and religion. Despite the discriminative „Jewish Laws” (1938, 1939), the Hungarian Jewry lived relatively undisturbed under the regime of governor Miklós Horthy. Dramatic change came in this regard with the German occupation of the country (19 March 1944). Then started the stigmatization, ghettoization and deportation of the Jews – predominantly to Auschwitz-Birkenau. The exact number of martyrs is still hotly debated. According to the most authoritative scholarly opinions, the number of deported Jewish victims can be put to between 440 and 550 thousand. Yet in political parlance and public history the round and symbolic figure of 600 thousand has become rooted. Another debated issue is whether the prosecution by the nazis of the Sintis and Roma was done on racial grounds, or they were treated as so-called anti-social elements. The number of Gypsies deported to extermination camps from Hungary can be put to a couple of thousand. From the late 1930s the claim of instrumentalizing the German minorities in the service of the aggressive foreign political aims of the Third Reich became increasingly evident. In Hungary this role was assumed by the so-called Volksbund (People’s Association of Germans in Hungary). From the start of World War II, a new element in the policies of nazi Germany towards the foreign Germans appeared, which can be termed as the idea of „return” to the Empire („Heim ins Reich”). In order to accomplish the re-settlement plans, the Germans concluded interstate treaties with almost all countries in Europe where German minorities lived. (The agreement with Hungary was signed on 29 May 1940, but it was never put into effect.) In the eastern regions occupied during the war an overt and brutal Germanizing policy was implemented, based on the Generalplan Ost, which had been elaborated in offices of the SS specially assigned to this task. In the foreign policies of the Federal Republic of Germany, especially under the aegis of the Brandtian Ostpolitik, considerable emphasis was put on relations with the states belonging to the former German settlement area, such as Hungary, and on strengthening the bridge-function of those German minorities which had remained there after refuge and deportation in the war.

A projekt-kórságról, avagy a tanoda-szindróma

Author(s): Balázs Krémer / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 4/2008

EU financed projects often are seen as miraculous tools of public policy reforms, such as in the case of policies that promote equal educational opportunities. However, in reality running projects can turn into rather painful processes and become frustrating obstacles for the partners involved. Balázs Krémer argues that the technical difficulties detected at a surface level are rooted deeply in the widely shared attitudes and philosophies of the projects. Two main ideas are highlighted among the conceptual problems. One of them is the role of public managers who require certain tasks from the successful applicants to do – but, in fact, they do not assume responsibility by imposing more substantial requirements. They rather tend to introduce over-detailed and over-bureaucratic procedural rules which are clearly pointless. Instead of that, they should implement regulatory and financial tools that could help make the new developments sustainable. Eventually, sustainability becomes the task of the supported providers – for whom it is a mission impossible without the necessary assistance from the relevant government agencies.

A romák társadalmi befogadását segítő cselekvési tervek

Author(s): Tibor Bors Borbély-Pecze / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 4/2008

ERRC: Social Inclusion Through Social Services – The Case of Roma and Travellers Assessing the Impact of National Action Plans for Social Inclusion in Czech Republic, France and Portugal. Budapest, 2007, ERRC/Númena. 90 p

A szegénység újratermelődése: A struktúrától a kultúráig, és vissza

Gondolatok Orlando Patterson és Ethan Fosse „The Cultural Matrix: Understanding Black Youth” című kötete kapcsán

Author(s): Béla Janky / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 2/2016

This non-comprehensive (review) essay focuses on the relationship between cultural traits and economic integration of social groups living in deep poverty. My argument relies on the contemporary cultural theories of American sociology. I suggest that current public and scientific discourses tend to adopt a narrow interpretation of culture. False but popular beliefs in the power of cultural forces defined in this narrow way could support harmful measures and policies. However, a more comprehensive concept of culture could lay the ground for fruitful investigations of economically relevant cultural effects. I conclude that in order to understand the reproduction of poverty better, sociologists should not shy away from the investigation of the roles of cultural traits but should refuse simplistic concepts of, and theories about culture.

A társadalmi integráció intézményi környezete

A jóléti államok sokféleségének elméleti megközelítései

Author(s): Miklós ILLÉSSY,Péter CSIZMADIA / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 3/2015

It is impossible to understand the processes of integration and disintegration in the Hungarian society without analysing institutional changes of the post-socialist transformation as a whole. In the present study, our aim is to sketch a theoretical framework suitable to interpret these institutional changes. By doing so, we largely rely on the ‘Varieties of Capitalism’ literature, and within this theoretical stream, special focus was given to studies analysing integrative and disintegrative mechanisms in Central Eastern Europe, and in Hungary. We also put special emphasis on the analyses aimed to better understand the labour market, educational and welfare system and their role in social integration during the transformation process. So far, social sciences proved to be unable to give coherent interpretation of this transformation, and we can’t compensate for this shortage either. Instead, we tried to formulate questions the answer to which may help to understand and analyse the processes of integration and disintegration in the Hungarian society.

A továbbképzések hatása a pedagógusok szemléletére

Author(s): Ilona Liskó / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 4/2008

Ilona Liskó analyzed the data from a research project conducted between 2006–2007 which examined the effects of teacher trainings in the Integration Scheme. The Integration Scheme is intended to promote the integrated education of socially disadvantaged and Roma children and the improvement of the institutions that educate them. Throughout the research work the background of the trainees, the evaluation and the outcome of the trainings were examined. The study focuses on the impact of the trainings on the attitudes of the teachers trained. The data showed that the effectiveness of the trainings was strongly influenced by the attitudes of the trainees. The trainings had a positive effect on the attitudes of the teachers trained but the effect was rather small. The majority of the teachers did not believe that students’ skills could be improved neither before nor after the training, and they had serious doubts about whether a successful integration between schools would be possible at all.

Acculturation contexts: Theorizing on the role of inter-cultural hierarchy in contemporary immigrants’ acculturation strategies

Author(s): Christina S. Stephens / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2016

Recent efforts to expand the theoretical framework of acculturation have drawn attention to a variety of pre-migration and reception contexts that affect how immigrants engage with the culture of their country of destination. Building on John W. Berry’s seminal work, this article contributes to the development of acculturation theory by delineating the previously under-explored context of inter-cultural hierarchy. Employing a critical theory stance, the paper argues that immigrants’ response to western cultural dominance and the rise of neoliberal imperatives can influence, along with the above mentioned contexts, their acculturative strategies. The paper proposes distinctions between types of assimilation, integration and separation strategies that have the potential to capture immigrant’s risk of long-term psychosocial maladjustment in the country of destination.

Achsen der Ungleichheit - Achsen der Differenz

Verhältnisbestimmungen von Klasse, Geschlecht, »Rasse«/ Ethnizität

Author(s): Cornelia Klinger,Gudrun-Axeli Knapp / Language(s): German / Issue: 29/2005

In der Debatte über gesellschaftliche Transformationsprozesse in Zeiten von Globalisierung und europäischer Integration wird vielfach eine Kluft zwischen der wachsenden Brisanz von Fragen sozialer Ungleichheit und Ausgrenzung auf der einen und ihrer unbefriedigenden wissenschaftlichen Durchdringung auf der anderen Seite notiert. Klärungsbedarf besteht sowohl hinsichtlich des Verhältnisses von Kontinuität und Wandel in den Formen von Ungleichheit als auch bezüglich der Frage nach den für das Verständnis der Gegenwartsgesellschaft relevanten Strukturgebern von Ungleichheit. In unserem Beitrag, mit dem wir eine breitere Diskussion anregen möchten, geht es um eine historisch-gesellschaftstheoretisch inspirierte Neu-Konfigurierung der Thematik. Ausgelotet werden sollen Anknüpfungspunkte und Perspektiven für einen integrierten Blick auf Ungleichheit entlang der Achsen von Klasse, »Rasse« / Ethnizität und Geschlecht als differenten, aber miteinander in Wechselwirkung stehenden gesellschaftlichen Strukturzusammenhängen.