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Posljednih se godina pojam „identiteta” našao u središtu prave diskurzivne eksplozije, dok je u isto vrijeme bio podvrgnut temeljitoj kritici. Kako objasniti taj paradoksalni razvoj? I gdje se, s obzirom na njega, mi smještamo u odnosu prema tom pojmu? Dekonstrukcija je provedena u mnoštvu disciplinarnih područja, od kojih su sva, na ovaj ili onaj način, izuzetno kritična prema predodžbi nedjeljivog, izvornog i jedinstvenog identiteta. Kritika samouspostavljenog subjekta u središtu postkartezijanske zapadne metafizike dobila je u svakom pogledu značajnije mjesto u filozofiji. [...]
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Modern human is vulnerable to various psychosocial healthaffecting problems. Often one does not realize his or her own behaviours or activities integrated into one’s daily life that in some cases can take pathological forms. Increasingly, and with renewed strength, emerge the activity addictions characterized by a lack of control and compulsion. We become addicted to shopping, tanning, exercise, gambling, work, computer or mobile phone. An addiction, consequently, restricts the freedom of the individual, leading to the deterioration of health and psychosocial well-being. It seems, therefore, necessary, to implement comprehensive measures based on comprehensive approach to the problems in question.
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The autobiographical study examines the final year of communist totalitarian power. Theories of chaos and non-equilibrium history are used to demonstrate the political instability of both the governing regime and the dissent and underground. The author illustrates the gradual intertwining of the structures of power, the dissent, the grey zone and nascent civil society via the concept of chiasmus.
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Over the last two decades, the entire liberal democratic world has seen voting behaviours and the rise of political actors which can be grouped in a common phenomenon: cultivation of anti-systemic/anti-establishment attitudes. The rise of these movements has been concomitant with the replacement of the deliberative forms of interpretation of collective identities and social living-together by collective myths and propaganda clichés. Thus the paper first presents the anti-liberal propaganda clichés in Bulgarian print media and news websites with the aim to find out who is scaring whom with what in Bulgaria today. The most important objective of the research, however, is to find out how those messages resonate with the diffuse attitudes, social feelings and stereotypes in Bulgaria, that is, how the propaganda effect arises. Therefore, the second part of the paper presents and analyses interview - and focus group discussion data. They are designed to generate a hypothesis about how the circulating clichés resonate with people’s attitudes, a hypothesis about what makes those clichés effective and about the interactive mechanisms that enact those clichés.Anti-liberal propaganda reworks and packages the aspirations of homegrown populism. Sociologists in Bulgaria have long since pointed out one typical effect of the sense of social injustice: the accusation of parasitism against the Roma minority, a condition that is claimed to be “inborn” and which the political elites use in order to stay in power. The homegrown populist moment here is in the notion that Roma rights are not rights but privileges imposed on “us” by the EU, privileges that deprive the rest of the population – that is, the non-Roma population thus presented as the true “us” – of rights. Here, propaganda resorts to the classical time-tested techniques of creating moral panic about a minority, adds to its image that of the refugees and migrants, and declares hate speech towards all of them to be a civic virtue. The effect of this transformation of civic resentment (the populist moment) into a virtue goes far beyond inciting the public against minorities. It above all promotes the thesis of national sovereignty as the prime European value – one which is being systematically destroyed by the EU, a conduit of American hegemonic interests. Which, exactly, is the populist resentment that is cultivated by this propaganda scheme? That we – Bulgarians – are “second-hand Europeans” and that they – Westerners – “come on all-inclusive package deals to Bulgaria on their welfare payments, while we care for their old people and clean their houses.” Judging from the reactions of the people in the interviews and the focus groups, it’s not that people in Bulgaria are afraid – yes, there is anxiety, especially among some types of people, but it hasn’t taken an objective form, a form of fearful reaction to a threat. In fact, we have a normalization of threat, and the propaganda effect is achieved less through fears than through the feeling of having been wronged, through incitement of resentments.
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Along with the transition from the new social movements to the global social movements, there has experienced a significant change in the actors of the movements, in their interlocutor, in their organization, in their demand. An important pillar in the plane of the actors in this change was the emergence of Generation Me visibility at the movements. Generation Me have have used extensively social media in the of organization and action, separates himself from other actors in terms of bodily visibility and his clothes. Generation Me reveals the specific actions with of certain level of knowledge, art, education and culture, questions the current life and management models with another world's demand. Generation Me have presented presenting a new perspective to the movement, collected the attention of the public with the specific actions, reached wide circles of the slogans created with ironic language and motivate energy with motions. In this plane, Generation Me emerges as an important actor in the global social movements. In this study have used Generation Me conceptualizationof by Tweng due to the satisfying to work on the issue in Turkey. The relationship between the new generation and global social movements was done in the axis of this conceptualization. The study was conducted in the form of literature review and on a theoretical level.
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With the transition from the classical social movements to the new social movements, the worker identity has been shattered and the different actors have brought new demands to the social movements. The new demands had contained that, the elimination of discrimination such as race, gender, race and ethnicity, gain visibility in social identities, the right of city, the transformation in values and norms, reconstruction of cultural sphere, autonomy and freedom, a democratic future, effective participation and ask for accountability from the authority. Among these demands, firstly, identity demand emerged in new social movements and movements have made themselves visible in social life with the demand for identity. Within the framework of identity demand have been emphasized that, the recognition of differences in social, political and cultural fields, be able to expression themselves of differences in through cultural practices and lifestyle emerging on the basis of pluralistic identities. With this demand new social movements have decomposed from the classical social movements at the point that, different actors participate in the social movements, the participants in the movement are defined on the actor's plane and transforming the demands of the movements. In this study, the rise of the new social movements the axis in demand for identity was put forward in a theoretical plane and literature survey.
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This article attempts to answer the question: which emotional and cognitive factors affect analytical and perceptual abilities of the individual in the context of socio-technical impact of the media? The author refers to a wide range of models, theories and perspectives connected with mechanisms of human thinking, emotions and choices. The author presents an analysis of two modes of brain activity, automatic modes of thinking, judgment heuristics, cognitive biases and the impact of emotion on human perception.
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The paper presents several paradoxes related to violence and their psychosocial explanations. The goal was not to deny the common knowledge, but to find a more complete description and better understanding of this complex phenomenon. In opposition to the uncontested perception of violence as a phenomenon ruining human relationships, there was highlighted its role as a factor in consolidating the group – collective violence against „them” in a situation of conflict, and particularly violence against the „scapegoat”. Recalling the views of Rene Girard, collective murder committed upon a scapegoat was presented as part of the founding mechanism of society. Also, the unique and amazing bond can connect to the victim and his/her pursuer. Some psychological explanation for the phenomenon of „Stockholm Syndrome” were presented – a classic: from the psychoanalytic perspective and its reinterpretation on the grounds of social psychology. The second topic is associated with social perception of the victim of violence – there were presented psychological mechanisms, explaining why, instead of getting compassion and help, the victim is often humiliated, accused of provocation and blamed. This unjust judgment paradoxically is associated with sharing „belief in a just world” from Mervin Lerner’s theory. Another paradox relates to helping victims of violence. Firstly the aid may be undesirable and rejected by the victim, secondly, helping can caused additional suffering (the phenomenon of „secondary victimization”), and thirdly, persons who try to help can drop in the trap of satisfying their own selfish needs.
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The social aspect of revitalization is a process of organized and complex actions aimed at counteracting the development of negative social phenomena (pathologies, unemployment, social exclusion, homelessness), by stimulating the potential and resources of local communities. In Poland, the interest in this aspect of revitalization is growing, which is reflected in the number and diversity of revitalization projects implemented. The aim of the article is to outline the concepts and objectives of revitalization at the social level, but above all to show various examples of good practices in this area. The article is based on literature on the issues of revitalization and source documents describing revitalization projects of a social nature.
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The aim of the article is to indicate processes related to marginalization, social exclusion and exclusion, which indirectly may influence the emergence of new threats or make existing ones more dynamic. Although these terms describe the same area, nevertheless, from different perspectives, they indicate a complicated mechanism of social phenomena that result in a sense of threat to individuals and groups. Minimizing the sense of threat as well as the threats themselves requires an in-depth knowledge of the mechanisms of their formation, a good diagnosis of marginalized groups in a specific community as well as the introduction or improvement of the support and subsidiarity system.
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Starting from the theoretical explications of the genre film and Cawelti’s concept of formula, this paper relates to the genre conceptualization and contextualization of the popular zombie film narrative. Pioneered by George Romero in 1968, and his film “Night of the Living Dead”, zombie film genre represents a synthesis of the apocalypse formula, science fiction, horror and the monster movie. Inspired by previous film traditions, Romero combines the elements of the mentioned film genres, offering his own vision of the end of the world, epitomized by the presence of a monster which appears simultaneously as the cause of the catastrophe and as the dominant social setting. Romero’s films can be viewed as a metaphorical mirror of the era and the social climate in which they appeared. Their development can be seen as a decades old diary in which the signs of the times and social events are inscribed by the author himself, as well as by the audience, which views these films and interprets them based on their own experience. With their specific language, zombie apocalypse deconstructs the social discourse and constructs it again in the narrative form which aims to arouse uneasiness and fear, as well as to create a particular survivalist fantasy without a happy ending. These emotions and meanings altogether hint at the apocalyptic character of the contemporary society.
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In this article our main interest is oriented toward the question of the extent to which immigration is an element of life strategies of the young generation in Europe that formerly experienced communism. Is it possible to see differences in emigration patterns as a potential or actual life experience of young people, starting from disparities in socio-economic development? Within the compared countries, we have followed some aspects like the cost of transition, position of young people on the labour market, etc., and tried to explain decisions to emigrate. We investigated the youngsters willingness to gain new experiences as a result of their susceptibility to the pressure of consumerism. As no other age group, the young generation experiences tensions resulting from a clash of global patterns of the “appropriate” life offers and abilities to claim them. In our opinion, these opportunities are potentially one of the most important factors determining the choice of “alternative” pathways in their life. Taking into consideration the affluence of the compared societies and their labour market, emigration should have become the element of young people’s life strategy’s in some ex-communist countries much more often than in others. If young Hungarians intend to combine gainful employment with education and emigration, therefore, is for them, first of all, an opportunity to gain new life experiences, for others, like young Bulgarians, Latvians, Romanians and even Poles, emigration is seen more as a necessity related to pursuing their own life ambitions otherwise unavailable in their native country. Therefore emigration becomes an element of their life strategy even if it means taking up gainful employment below their qualifications.
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The Youth Guarantee and its financial tool the Youth Employment Initiative as EU level initiative, aim to answer the rising concerns caused by the growing problems of youth unemployment by fostering youth activation and labour market integration. Both are associated to specific recommendations for member states to enhance intra-agency coordination and to expand the scope of labour market policies, while both present a good case for research regarding policies’ coordination and government, and in-policy content. The paper analyses the process of introducing and implementing YG and YIE in Bulgaria and outlines changes in the activation policy and strategies for youth labour market integration with focus on both substantial and procedural reforms. For the empirical purpose of the study, desk-research on relevant policy documents, existing national evaluations, country-based literature and statistics, media publications and expert interviews conducted with policy actors from agencies involved in the implementation of labour market programs. The article contributes to the state of art by presenting and analysing details and insights on policy changes as well as existing short-term data on policy outcomes and tries to go further by suggesting policy recommendations to improve existing measures.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the most recent running marathons in Bucharest to see whether they are part of a political agenda or not, and if yes, what are the reasons for this. Is this a way of allowing people to bond together, and to take part in charity? Is this part of the way media imposes its agenda on people, or vice-versa? Is it a way of political elites to control the masses and make them take part in welfare activities? The paper will take into account the hypothesis of sports and welfare holding communities together.
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The black protest is a social phenomenon that started in 2016 when women went out onthe streets to demonstrate their opposition to tightening the anti-abortion law. It wasan event that aroused much controversy and emotions which were expressed throughverbal and non-verbal messages. These were, among others, banners with stronglymarked slogans that have been analysed and black colour appearing in the elementsof women’s clothing and make-up. The symbolic layer was also umbrellas, hangers forclothes, black crosses on the lips and many more. The purpose of using these means waspersuasion, used to change position of opponents and to achieve its own purpose in theform of the absence of an exacerbation of this law.
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This paper will examine the phenomenon of political spectacle in BiH. Our goal is to recognize the structure of political spectacle in BiH political scene and point out the functions and objectives of this relatively new term in the media and the political sphere. In this regard, we have observed a political spectacle as a method of political communication of the rulers to the ruled. A very important element of the political spectacle is the media. With the media promotion of this method of political communication achieves its full capacity. The final outcome of the political spectacle is reflected in manipulating the public. In this way the politicians try to remain in power as long as they can.
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Through analysis of the nature and character of media practice, the paper shows that the media are basic political instrument of manipulative social control of the democratic order. Control of social reality as a fundamental social role of the media stems from the manipulative power of the media that is based in the strategies of production and control of the symbolic potential of the society. Through the production and control of the symbolic potential of the society, the media transform symbolic power in social action or absence of social action through homogenization and activate individuals and social groups in public opinion or their dispersion and breaking off in the public. Development of manipulation, control, oppression, domination and hegemony, the media becomes a product of instrumentalist mind which contributing “colonization of the lifeworld” and the development of modern society which on a rational way becoming totalitarian.
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The objective of the work is to present the opinions of the students of Białystok universities about Russians. The background to the considerations (unexposed in any survey research) are the close political relations with Russia stemming from historical conditionings and the current political events related to economic situation and events in Ukraine. Another premise are very negative opinions held by Poles concerning the modern image of Russia and a complex image of Russians themselves which stem from the all-Poland research conducted in 2015. The author’s own research was conducted in Białystok on a representative group of students from public universities. Białystok is treated here as a specific area – the border area with many co-existing cultures. A significant element is the respondents’ experience resulting from the presence of citizens from behind the Eastern border in Podlasie and Białystok, as well as the coexistence of many minorities. The research covers several types of neighbourhood which appeared in the respondents’ answers. The opinions of the surveyed participants were described in the following dimensions of neighbourhood: physical (cohabitat on a given area), social-cultural, religious and economic.
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