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Research was conducted by Dr. Karlo Šnajder in the early 1950s as a project of the Institute of Alimentation at the Serbian Academy of Sciences. It was published in 1953 by the Academy as Issue XXVIII in the Series of Works of the Serbian Academy.
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Moldova's natural resources are in a precarious state. Water is a scarce resource and the country's afforestation rate is extremely low1. This is compounded by inefficient waste management and increased pollution from car emissions. At the same time, the Republic of Moldova fails to explore the potential of fiscal-budgetary instruments in addressing environmental issues. For many years, budget spending on environmental protection has been extremely low. In addition, a number of shortcomings in the regulation of environmental taxes are eroding their ability to stimulate environmentally friendly behaviour of citizens and businesses. The existing system of pollution taxes in the Republic of Moldova is outdated, does not correspond to other countries' practices and is lagging behind other environmental reforms. In this context, this study assesses the national practice in the field of pollution taxes. The study concludes with a set of proposals for making pollution taxes more effective.
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In the Republic of Ireland’s general election of 8 February, the left-wing nationalist party Sinn Fein (SF) won an unprecedented victory. However, the fragmentation of the lower house of parliament, the Dail Eireann, made it difficult to form a new government. The beginning of the pandemic, which roughly coincided with the election, temporarily extended the term of Fine Gael’s centre-right cabinet led by Taoiseach (prime minister) Leo Varadkar. The negotiations of his party with the centre-right Fianna Fail and the Greens lead to the creation of an “extended grand coalition”. Consequently, Sinn Fein would take over the role of the official opposition. The election results increase the significance of the problem of reunification of the island in Irish politics and in the EU-UK Brexit negotiations.
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The United States blames China for the spread of the pandemic globally. In tightening its China policy, the U.S. has threatened to terminate the “phase one” trade deal, increased restrictions on cooperation, among others, with Huawei, and criticized China’s actions towards Hong Kong. The upcoming presidential election and the consensus in the U.S. on the need to contain China’s rise are stiffening the position of the administration under President Donald Trump. Even if his challenger, Democratic candidate Joe Biden, wins this fall, the policy course is unlikely to change, though for the EU may mean better opportunities for cooperation with the U.S. on China.
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The forecasts by the European Commission (EC) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) indicate a deepening of the economic crisis in Spain. The Pedro Sánchez government’s actions stopped an increase in unemployment and protect the poor, but the liquidity of companies remains under threat. In response, the government has introduced aid programmes for strategic industries and seeks political consensus on a recovery plan for the country. The rising costs of fighting the crisis are to be financed by increased taxes and EU aid.
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During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian Federation (RF) provided medical assistance to more than 30 countries. The Russian authorities used such activities to try to convince their citizens of Russia’s success in dealing with the pandemic. At the same time, the intensive use of propaganda has reduced the effectiveness of Russian public diplomacy in the U.S. and in the EU states. Russia will conduct aid diplomacy even after the pandemic is over, seeing it as an opportunity to strengthen its influence in the recipient countries.
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The U.S., China, and Russia see the development and sale of a COVID-19 vaccine as a potential source of political and economic benefits. Their rivalry and reluctance to join multilateral initiatives are hindering WHO’s efforts to ensure equal access to the vaccine for all countries, including developing ones. This may delay containment of the pandemic and lead to recurrence.
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China’s rivalry with the U.S. is intensifying. New American sanctions threaten, among others, Huawei’s global position. As a result of China’s aggressive foreign policy, relations with the EU and Australia have worsened, and the border conflict with India has intensified. To counter these failures and re-build their image, the Chinese authorities are trying to shift the responsibility for the problems to the U.S., strengthening anti-Western rhetoric, and presenting the world with new multilateral initiatives, such as one related to data security. With China’s foreign policy being idealogised, any successful cooperation with the EU on climate matters is unrealistic.
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Sweden has consistently followed the same model of managing the COVID-19 pandemic since its beginning. It is based on social trust, encompassing the authorities’ belief in responsible behaviour and solidarity, and citizens’ belief in the competence of the authorities. Because of the resurgence of the disease since September, Sweden has increased the powers of local authorities to make sanitary recommendations. The government, which had introduced only a few restrictions, sees the pandemic as a source of lasting change that must be used to address climate, economic and social challenges.
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Despite the effective suppression of COVID-19 cases in the spring of this year, Czechia is now struggling to contain record increases in the number of infections and deaths that place it among the worst-hit countries in the EU. Attempting to gain control of the disease, the government of Andrej Babiš took internal actions (such as introducing a state of emergency) and sought foreign assistance (from, for example, NATO and the EU). The pandemic has strengthened Czech cooperation with regional neighbours, including initiatives within the Visegrad Group, the intensification of activities of the Slavkov Triangle, stronger relations with German federal states, and the launch of the new Central Five (C5) format.
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The COVID-19 pandemic showed the unpreparedness of Union structures to react quickly in the face of large-scale crises. As a consequence, the Member States launched an initiative to strengthen the Union Civil Protection Mechanism (UCPM). It is important that in the coming years the EU not only increases its reserve of strategic resources but also improves the mechanisms of threat detection and analysis. It is in Poland’s interest to strengthen the crisis-response capacity at the EU level, for example, by expanding national response pool.
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The renewed rise in COVID-19 incidence has prompted federal and regional authorities to tighten restrictions. The goal is to keep the number of infections under control until mass vaccination is introduced. During Christmas, New Year’s, and the winter holidays, the economic costs of the restrictions will be particularly felt in trade, tourism, and catering, but less in industry. The lockdown also will have political consequences as the opposition may use it as a pretext to critically assess the actions of Angela Merkel’s government in the fight against the pandemic.
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Slovakia, which was the first in the world to test its entire population, has become a point of reference for other countries. Mass testing for COVID-19 increased the detection of ill people and enabled their isolation, especially in regions with a high percentage of infected. Prime Minister Igor Matovič’s intent by mass testing was also to avoid tighter restrictions and increase his political support. However, as of 19 December, additional restrictions have been introduced, support for the prime minister’s party has decreased, and the conflict in the government coalition has worsened. The efforts to counteract the pandemic have also confirmed the growing importance of the Slavkov Triangle in Slovakia’s foreign policy.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated again that the North Atlantic Alliance is capable of a flexible response to new challenges. NATO has been effective with its crisis-management mechanisms in facilitating assistance to allies most affected by the coronavirus. It began planning for more robust actions in case of a second wave of infections. Yet, the long term economic and political consequences of the pandemic are likely to exacerbate existing tensions and threats to NATO while new challenges to Allied political cohesion and credibility of its defence and deterrence posture may grow. To address them, the Allies should use the opportunities offered by NATO 2030 initiative to adjust the Alliance’s functioning to new realities.
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The July surge in infections of the Delta variant of the SARS-Cov-2 virus in France prompted President Emmanuel Macron to announce new restrictions, which this time mainly affect unvaccinated people. Although the extension of the obligation to present a health pass when using services, included in the amendment to the health bill adopted on 25 July, has sparked protests, polls show that the majority of the public supports the new regulations. The priority of the French authorities is to avoid a new lockdown in the autumn as it would threaten the recovery of the economy and Macron’s re-election.
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At a virtual meeting on 19 February, G7 leaders made important commitments to combat the COVID19 pandemic, including vaccination support for developing countries. They also want to cooperate in rebuilding the global economy and protecting the climate. The U.S. return to active multilateral diplomacy and close cooperation with democratic states, announced by President Joe Biden, strengthens the G7 format.
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On June 24, Polish President Andrzej Duda met with President Donald Trump at the White House. The visit concerned Polish-American defence and energy cooperation, as well as new technology and the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. Although the joint statement by the presidents included no new decisions, it confirms the will of both states to further deepen strategic cooperation, including on issues related to nuclear energy. It also criticized the false vision of the history of World War II Russia has been promoting strongly in recent years.
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On 6 April, UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson was admitted to the intensive care unit of a London hospital, the first leader to fall critically ill during the COVID-19 pandemic. This has initiated a procedure for establishing a temporary chain of command.
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On 7 April, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzō Abe declared a state of emergency in seven prefectures amid widespread coronavirus infections. He also announced a record economic stimulus package of around $990 billion.
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The swearing-in to office of Igor Matovič on 21 March ends the many years of rule by Smer-Social Democracy (Smer). As a result of the last parliamentary elections in Europe (29 February) before the onset of the coronavirus pandemic, the new government was formed by four right-wing parties: Ordinary People and Independent Personalities (OĽaNO), Freedom and Solidarity (SaS), We Are Family, and For People.
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