НЕУХВАТЉИВА СУШТИНА ПОПУЛИЗМА: СТРУКТУРА ПОПУЛИСТИЧКЕ ИДЕОЛОГИЈЕ У ХОЛАНДИЈИ

Author(s): Bojan Todosijević / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2015

This paper provides a detailed study of Dutch public opinion data in order to establish to what extent there are elements of an organized ideological structure that could be termed ‘populist’. The first part of the paper examines the relationships among several of the typical attributes of populism, such as ethnocentrism, economic redistribution, and anti-elitism are analysed. The goal is to examine to what extent these attributes tend to converge towards a higher-order populist ideology. The second part of the paper examines the added explanatory value when populist attributes are entered as predictors of party preferences, in addition to variables operationalizing the traditional politics. Attitudinal profiles of supporters of populist parties from the opposite sides of the ideological spectrum are compared. Finally, attitudinal roots of populist parties’ preferences are compared against those of the mainstream, established parties. The outlined problems are examined using data from the Dutch Parliamentary Election Studies (DPES). The results provided no evidence for the existence of a more general, substantively grounded populist ideology, only for the thin populist core, containing various indicators of political alienation and anti-elite orientation. With regard to the ideological content, the findings suggest that, in Dutch public opinion, populism equals right-wing populism. Furthermore, no support is found for the claim that anti-elite ‘core’ is a common ideological ground that unites supporters of left- and right-wing populist parties. Finally, the ‘thin ideological core’ of populism proved inconsequential for understanding party preferences in the Netherlands, whether populist-labelled or otherwise.

ODNOS SRBIJANSKIH NEONACISTA PREMA KAPITALIZMU

Author(s): Aleksandra Marković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2015

The focal point of this paper is to analyze the relation of modern-day Serbian neo-Nazis toward capitalism. Bearing in mind the context and conditions of emerging fascism in Europe of the twentieth century, apart from the fact that itexposes the essence of the basic theme, this research may have a perspective scientific and practical significance. Namely, the fascism is only one of the many forms of capitalism rescue in periods of crisis. At the time when fascism came into the European scene, ruling bourgeoisie was threatened by a growing labor movement, by blocked possibilities of expansion of capital, and by crisis of overproduction which is, due to its essential irrationality and lack of plan, specific only for capitalism. Today, in the case of a renewed national homogenization of capital, which is risky to predict after a crisis that happened back in 2008, it is possible that resurgence of fascist and Nazi forms of advocacy of transformation of capitalism in crisis could happen. The three most significant neo-Nazi organizations in Serbia today are SrbskiObraz, Nacionalnistroj and Srbskaakcija. The injunction of the first two organizations and the illegal character of the Nazi organization prevent face to face data collection, which is why the Internet is used as a primary source of information – web portals, blogs, forums and social networks.

ETNIČKI IDENTITET I PATRIOTIZAM KAO PREDIKTORI PRIHVATANJA KOLEKTIVNE KRIVICE

Author(s): Jelena Nikšanović,Nebojša Petrović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2016

Collective guilt is a group emotion, developed and shared between group members as a result of dealing with past misdeeds committed by members of own group. Collective guilt is associated with restitution, reparation and forgiveness seeking toward victimised group. This paper will examine relationship between ethnic identity and collective guilt acceptance, so we can determine relationship between different levels of ethnic identification and collective guilt acceptance. Also, it will be examined indirect effect of blind and constructive patriotism on relationship of ethnic identification and collective guilt acceptance. Survey was conducted in the context of existing interpretations of past war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, among persons of Serb ethnic group. There is negative relationship between ethnic identity and collective guilt acceptance, indicating that collective guilt is higher for middle identifiers in comparison with low and high identifiers. Blind patriotism has moderate effect between ethnic identity and collective guilt acceptance, with higher level of blind patriotism negative influence of ethnic identity on collective guilt acceptance is stronger. There is indirect effect of constructive patriotism between ethnic identity and collective guilt acceptance with relatively small effect. Given results indicating importance of ethnic identification on developing collective guilt acceptance but only to the certain level which allows dealing with responsibility regarding actions committed by members of own group.

Nacionalizam, mit i država u Rusiji i Srbiji

Author(s): Jovica Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 14/2015

Veljko Vujačić, Nationalism, Myth, and the State in Russia and Serbia – Antecedents of the Dissolution of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2015.

Religious Configuration of the ‘Other’ in the Contemporary Balkan Societies (Cultural Mechanisms and Perspectives)

Author(s): Nonka Bogomilova / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2015

The paper argues that the Balkans are not a single-type cultural- political and conflictogenic space where religions are the basic factor, but a heterogeneous zone made up of specific states, in each of which religion or religions have a specific positive cultural status and/or conflict potential (persistently or in certain period). The qualitative changes that have taken place in Christianity as a faith and an institution, both in the West and East (including the Balkans) during the second half of the 20th century have shown that Christianity has become more dependent on and responsive to the fundamental cultural specificity of each particular society in which it exists. The thesis is emphasized that in the conflictual configuration of “Other” in the Balkans (of ethnic, nationalist, cultural type) religion is not a pro-active factor but functions in interacting with a number of other factors (the Weberian idea of religious “strands”), coming to the fore in certain situations.

Od nacionalizma do ekstremizma – samo nekoliko sati

Author(s): Boris Varga / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 181/2014

IGNORISANJE, NUŽDA ILI NEŠTO TREĆE

Author(s): Igor Novaković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 181/2014

Niemiecka klasa średnia wobec prawicowego ekstremizmu w świetle badań Fundacji Friedricha Eberta

Author(s): Izabela Janicka / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 01/2017

The article presents the results of researches on right-wing extremism sentiments in the German middle class, conducted on a regular basis by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation since 2006. The condition of social awareness is measured using a variety of categories. The described empirical studies focus on the spreading of the ideology of right-wing extremism. Antidemocratic populism and hostility toward many alienated social groups create a climate of suspicion and hatred, whereas its dominant rhetoric of injustice fosters the emergence of anti-system activities, which lead to mistaken political choices. The presented data combined with a precise sociological analysis help to define the dangers and provide specific arguments for the public debate. In turn, assessment of the ideology and mindset of the middle class, which is politically the most effective, decision-making social group, provides a fitting starting point for drawing conclusions. Those inferences confirm the diagnosis that first scratches begin to appear on the fragile surface of the middle class.

„Śmierć wrogom ojczyzny!”. Przemoc zbiorowa w repertuarze działań skrajnej prawicy w Polsce, 1990–2013

Author(s): Daniel Płatek,Piotr Płucienniczak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2017

In the immediate aftermath of the fall of communism in Poland in 1989, popular discussions of the reemergence of the extreme right centered on concerns that it would take the form of ultra-nationalism or post-communist national populism (Pankowski 2009). However, these discussions mainly emphasized sensational events involving militant skinheads and tended to stress the cultural specificity of the nationalist movement. The perceived risk from the extreme right has contributed to the creation of a sociological explanation focused on a restricted number of arguments. Phenomena such as the rise of nationalism and extremism were in fact considered (at the macro level) to be aggressive reactions to frustrations resulting either from the rapid end to a period of economic stabilization and increased expectations or (at the micro level) from status inconsistency. In our article we suggest that Poland’s extreme right should be analyzed as a social movement, with a focus on the meso-organizational and action level, as this has never been done before.Looking at the broad spectrum of actors in the extreme-right milieu, we analyze their forms of action with the aim of understanding the use of violent versus non- violent forms of action. We study factors that influence the scale of violence employed by the extreme right and verify the thesis that the violence decreases in periods when the movement undergoes a process of formalization, i.e., enters parliamentary politics, and increases otherwise. The paper is based on political opportunity theory and analysis of protest events in the years 1990–2013.

ЗНАЧЕННЯ ТА РОЛЬ АРХЕТИПІВ У ЕТНОНАЦІОНАЛЬНІЙ КУЛЬТУРІ

Author(s): Maryna Severynova / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2013

This article examines the phenomenon of "archetype" as a universal basis constant ethnic and national culture in the context of human social-cultural values. Emphasizes the distinction between national archetypes as universals of national culture and universal archetypes of culture in conditions of their coexistence.

OGLEDI I-VIII: Od nacionalizma do nacionalizama

Author(s): Sophie De Schaepdrijver / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 149/1996

Ethnic nationalism invokes the people as a sort of reality but at the same time develops the cult of leader personalities and is treating the same people as a "gamad" - as a stupid, immature mass

NATIONALISM AND CIVIC LIFE: FROM INCONSISTENCY TO INEQUALITY

Author(s): Vlad Jegan / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2018

There is a strong bond between the individual, the state and the society. Failing to properly address the relationship between individuals inside a community and culture will bring democracy into contempt. Although it should promote values and target important questions regarding the civic life, the state is now more than ever concerned of its well-being in terms of pursuing new markets and promoting empty social discourse. In a sense, it is not democracy which dwindles but its leaders and political representatives. Their inconsistency and lack of discourse brings us today in front of a new challenge: the rise of populist nationalism, a byproduct of immoral markets, widen inequality and a new social contract. My thesis aims at connecting the dots between the decline of civic life due to increased inequality and the rise of populist nationalism, in a soft-despotic context, which settles the terms for a new social contract. Having to do with a Tocquevillean approach on democracy and despotism, my paper will endure the illusion of self-determination, postulating nonetheless the idea of contractualism and civic duty.

NATIONALIST DISCOURSE AT THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT. THE CASE OF MARINE LE PEN AND NIGEL FARAGE

Author(s): Liliana Alic / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

Nationalist discourse and nationalist parties reappeared on the political scene as a consequence of some recent events, such as the economic crisis, globalization and massive migration. The leaders of the nationalist parties try to make their voice heard not only in their respective countries but also in the European Parliament. The present paper analyzes some of the characteristic features of nationalism and of nationalist discourse. The method of investigation will be that of discourse-historical analysis, as it is appropriate to describe the main discursive strategies and the linguistic features that characterize right-wing political parties discourse. We choose to discuss some of the most vocal representatives of such parties, Marine Le Pen and Nigel Farage.

ANTI-SEMITISM, ADIEU? ON THE POSSIBLE ABANDONMENT OF THE ANTI-SEMITIC STRATEGY BY THE FRENCH NATIONAL RALLY UNDER MARINE LE PEN

Author(s): Sergiu Mişcoiu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

This article analyses the implications of the change in the National Front’s top leadership over the traditional anti-Semitic stances of the party. By studying the main reforms implemented by Marine Le Pen, this article shows that the dropping of anti-Semitism is at the same time not only a tactical move but not necessarily a genuine substantive change in the party’s ideology. Rather, like the party’s name change into the National Rally, it is a discursive adaptation on one hand to a general evolution of the French society (anti-Semitism being less entrenched in the public consciousness) and on the other hand to the particular conditions of the 2010s dominated by an increasing concern about the social, cultural and security-related consequences of the non-European and especially Muslim immigration to France.

THE “HOMOGENIZATION PROCESS” IN ROMANIA

Author(s): Roxana Alice Stoenescu / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

The present research examines the relationship between the development of the nation state and homogenization efforts in Romania. On the one hand, this requires examining the establishment of ideological and dictatorial power practices that emerge from the historical context of capitalist and imperialist developments. On the basis of which the national conceptions of a closed “body” evolved, and thus certain groups, experienced because of their “otherness” compared to the national similarities, social exclusivity. Thus, the racial ideological attitudes and the resulting homogenization and repression policies of the dictatorships of the 20th century emerged. The aim of this work is to show how the homogenization process took place in Romania.

Szvatopluk az imakönyvben

Author(s): István Kollai / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2019

Nationalism in Border Community: Temajuk, Sambas District, West Kalimantan, Indonesia

Author(s): Iva Rachmawati,Machya Astuti Dewi / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2021

The low level of nationalism is one of the noticeable problems that often occur in the border-region, and the Indonesian border in Kalimantan witnesses the same problem. This issue arises because border-areas tend to be underdeveloped areas, with inadequate development and facilities. The lack of state attention to border communities is claimed to be the reason for people’s disloyalty toward the state. Additionally, national border violations and illegal trade are increasingly being considered as an indicator of the low levels of nationalism prevailing among border communities. This research attempts to examine how the border communities in Temajuk have built their attachment to their living environment in a way that would enable them to reinterpret the nationalism of border communities. In doing so, this study uses a descriptive–qualitative approach. Data collections have been obtained from document-tracking and interviews with local district/village officers, Badan Pengelola Perbatasan Daerah officers, border military guards, and several residents in Temajuk. The finding indicated that bonding and emotional experience encourage citizens to remain committed to being Indonesian citizens although neighboring countries have better development and prosperity levels. Contrastingly, nationalism promotes a stronger territorial awareness, which then encourages the proborder welfare policies.

Neither Civic nor Ethnic: Analyzing Right-Wing Politics Using a Theoretical Expansion of Kohn’s “Dichotomy of Nationalism”

Author(s): Mateo Cohen / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2022

Comparative research looks for “ethnic nationalism” to classify a party as either “extreme right” or “radical right.” “Ethnic nationalism” has turned into a common theoretical concept by way of various interpretations of Hans Kohn’s work, developing a theoretical ethnic/civic contrast of national ideologies. Th e application of this dichotomy has been criticized for lack of theoretical depth that resulted in inaccurate analysis and, in some cases, harmful normative judgment. Th is article claims that this simple contrast between two types of national ideology omits complex theoretical views of nationalism that are neither civic nor ethnic, which are promoted mainly by the conservative right. By expanding Kohn’s dichotomy into an “axis of ideological nationalism,” it off ers a normative theoretical tool to be used in comparative politics, paving the way for a more comprehensive model of right-wing national ideology.

Defining National Memories: The Cases of Popular Rebellions in Ireland and Québec

Author(s): Christophe Davis / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2022

While studies on nations and nationalism have brilliantly demonstrated the influence of collective memory on national development, few studies have examined the reciprocity of this relationship. This article is therefore concerned with the laborious processes of memorizing the founding myths of both the Irish and Québécois nations. Indeed, while today the rebellion of 1798 in Ireland and those of 1837–1838 in Québec are central to their respective processes of identity-building, it has not been a calm process; the 1798 rebellion was buried in collective amnesia for almost a century and in Québec, the Patriotes rebellions have constantly moved in and out of collective memory. I argue, in this article, that the unstable definition of both nations harmed the process of remembrance. I am therefore interested in the long and conflicting journey that has enabled the Irish and Québécois nations to define themselves, respectively, by their religion and their language. Through a historiographical analysis of the speeches from several leaders of these two nationalist movements, this article shows how nations define and redefine themselves and how memories are also altered to meet those changes.

TÜRK MİLLİYETÇİLİĞİNİN PARTİLEŞME SÜRECİ: CKMP’DEN İYİ PARTİ’YE TÜRKIYE’DE MİLLİYETÇİ PARTİLER

Author(s): Ali Rıza SAVAŞ,Ahmet Hikmet ZABUN / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 59/2023

The nationalism movement, which emerged with the French Revolution and affected a significant part of the world afterwards, also affected the Ottoman Empire. In the Republic of Turkey, which was established after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the nationalism movement manifested itself as a nation-state consciousness. The emphasis on the concepts of "Turk" and "nation" appears as a nationalist indicator in this sense. In the Turkish political life of the Republican period, many parties were established and aspired to government. These parties emerged with the unification of certain social segments and were generally the representatives of an ideological movement. Political parties based on left, right, liberal, religion, and nationality have carried out political activities. In this study, the historical flow and comparisons regarding the parties that accepted Turkish nationalism as a starting point in multi-party democratic life or were positioned in the context of Turkish nationalism by social segments and the process of party formation are included. The first, discusses the emergence of the concept of nationalism, its definitions, and the theoretical framework for nationalist movements in Turkey. Various definitions of the concept are offered and there are different evaluations regarding its origins. In this context, the enrichment of nationalism in relation to concepts such as citizenship, patriotism, ethnicism, xenophobia, and chauvinism is emphasized, and the views that Germany, England or France is the cradle of nationalism are included. In this regard, after the historical development processes of CMKP, MHP, BBP, and İYİ Party are provided, analysis and comparisons are made. In the evaluation phase, comparisons and evaluations are made regarding the parties that stand out with an emphasis on nationalism in Turkey and the parties that are perceived as nationalist. It has been evaluated that nationalism has a significant vote potential and has the opportunity to be represented in the Turkish Grand National Assembly in every term and has a twenty percent vote potential.