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U bibliografiju koja sledi nisu uneti članci, intervjui i reči na promocijama knjiga, koji su objavljeni u raznim listovima i časopisima u državama nastalim posle raspada Jugoslavije, kao ni nekrolozi.
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Implemented by the Macedonian national party VMRO-DPMNE the project “Skopje 2014” renewed the urban image of Skopje, capital city of the (Former Yugoslav) Republic of Macedonia and promoted a narrative of direct descent from the Ancient Macedonians, epitomized by the figure of Alexander the Great. Impressive statues, fountains, a triumphal arch, and new massive buildings now stand in all their grandeur in the city centre of the small republic’s capital city. Although apparently meant to give a new face to Skopje, these urban changes are also strictly tied to a “great” national narrative concerning the Macedonian nation – its roots and origins, and are apparently shaping and changing, not only the urban image of Skopje but also the national identity of the Macedonians.
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The transcripts from Sarajevan State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina session witness the dedication of its councilors towards the present. This implicates an intense connection of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the Yugoslavian geopolitical imaginary (B&H as a homeland within a homeland). At the same time, it develops a discourse – an indisputable one – of a unified Bosnia as a political community being built as a state. The third ZAVNOBiH session, unfortunately, did not develop enough strength to deepen and pull the true levers of the state citizenship imagined within the earlier grand freedom charter from Sanski Most. However, the epochal success of the Sarajevo session lies in its development of a territorial identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a socially, economically and culturally conscious space. This success is an epochal success – especially when compared with B&H’s current arrested development. Today, this country is left without its unified space, reduced to a mere territorial sum. It is also deprived of its unique trinational togetherness, reduced to a nationalistic negation of the ZAVNOBIH itself, a translation of the “3 in 1” formula into a “big, acephalous nothing”. The fact that the third ZAVNOBIH session was held in Sarajevo witnesses the building of Bosnia from the state of war to the state of peace as a political community – from the periphery of a just war (Bosnian Krajina) towards the center (Sarajevo), which used to be an extremely important symbolic and political message about its core state community. This community grew as a natural, decentralized entity, but with a clear, leading, all encompassing topos from a place (that is not Belgrade, nor Zagreb) where its unique plural identity is forged. Our only option is to proceed with forging.
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The crucial task of the Third Assembly of the Anti-Fascist Council of the People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ZAVNOBiH) was to create a framework for the establishment of further development of Bosnia and Herzegovina as federal Unit. This assembly resulted in the important acts for Bosnia and Herzegovina as a member of Yugoslav Federation such as the constitution of the first Peoples Assembly, and the Law on People’s Government based on which, two days later, April 28, 1945. the first People’s Government had been formed, etc. However, one important question remains – what kind of federation was Yugoslav socialist one? Socialist Yugoslavia looked after Soviet federation as its model which, in scientific literature, could best be described as ethnoterritorial federalism. So Yugoslavia was simultaneously understood as the federation of its peoples and its republics in which its peoples practiced their sovereign rights. Based on this double approach, the two interpretations of Yugoslav federalism developed in time: the unitary-centrist one which considered the borders of republics as administrative, and the republican-federalist one which considered republics as sovereign national states. There was also a third variant of socialist federalism developed during 1970’s – the socialist self-management federalism which delegated the political subjectivity down to the level of individual enterprises and local communities designed to undermine nationalist interpretation, but it failed to be implemented due to already strengthened etatisms. These federalist dilemmas were especially fatal for Bosnia and Herzegovina which could not have been constituted as national republic-state.
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This paper provides a synopsis and characterization of the most important historiographically, politologically, and ethnologically oriented works published in the Czech Republic between 2000 and 2018 on the history and current evolution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Czech works on the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina can be divided into two main groups. The first group includes monographs by historians who were familiar with the reality of Bosnian multiethnicity in the period before the breakup of Yugoslavia and in that context, therefore, continue in their books to support the idea of preserving Bosnia within its existing borders and in the form of a multinational state. The second group comprises books by Czech authors who primarily focus on analysing political events in the contemporary, so-called post-Dayton Bosnia, of which they are highly critical and as a result also highly skeptical when it comes to the prospect of continued coexistence between the nations of Bosnia. During the period in question, several works were published in the Czech Republic dedicated to the history of Czech-Bosnian relations and the synthetical treatment of the history of the Czech national minority living in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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The periods of deep political and social quakes always bring reconsideration and rearrangement of the events that happened in the past. Disappearance of ideological paradigm, changes in global politics and epochal consciousness affected the return of the pre-socialist past, its romantization and idealization, as well as revisionist change of social determinants that were used for historical interpretations in post-socialist countries with the intense action of politics, nationalism and history in their historiographies. Even the bigger historiographies like Russian, are not immune from political pressure in relation to its own history, and histories of other countries and nations. There are many differences between the Soviet and the modern Russian historiography, as well as their forms. Due to the wish to control history, the international and class principle gave its place to the more active, national one, with the renewal of its identity that is clean from communist influence. Interests and politics of superpowers leave a huge mark in the history of the Balkan nations. Political disputes and positioning affect the historiographies and they play a big role in determining the topics that need to be researched. Dissolution of Yugoslavia and the emergence of new post-Yugoslav states on the European political map worsened the efforts of Russian historians in analyzing and researching their past and modernity. The increase of Russian interest in researching the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina is related to the political crises and conflicts in that area and wider Balkan context. Their attention is mostly focused on the Eastern Crisis (1875–1878.) and the Bosnian / Annexation crisis (1908–1909), dissolution of the SFRY and the “post-Yugoslav” wars. They also do research about the events that occured in this area in the last decade of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century.
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This essay will provide an introductory discussion of the historiography of the Bosnian genocide of 1992–1995 in the works of foreign scholars. The historiography is too large for this discussion to be exhaustive. We have attempted here to provide the principal categories of relevant works while citing the most important examples of them, before discussing the historiographical deficiencies and the tasks awaiting future scholars of the genocide. The reason for the dearth of monographs on the Bosnian genocide is that the subject is highly controversial, and any scholar who seriously studies it and expresses an opinion is likely to create enemies for themselves. There is a tendency of scholars to see the war in postmodernist terms, in terms of Serb, Croat and Bosniak “narratives”; as opposed to objective truth, which discourages taking the subject intellectually seriously. Furthermore, the prevailing ideology and discourse stemming from the international administration is one of reconciliation and putting the past behind us. So there is a disincentive to study the genocide in depth; a preference for studying more liberal feel-good themes related to reconciliation, memory, transitional justice and post-war reconstruction. The Bosnian genocide therefore awaits a new generation of foreign scholars to take it seriously as a subject and explore it in detail.
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There are numerous papers dealing with research of genocide in Srebrenica, as well as papers dealing with denial of it. An insight into a number of publications related to these topics raises the question of whether quantity prevails over quality and how much research on genocide in Srebrenica is based on scientific methods and how much on the arbitrary interpretation of historical events. This paper presents an overview of a large number of published works, with particular emphasis on a more detailed analysis of the work of historians as well as published historical sources. Many trials before national and international courts have been conducted against individuals charged with crimes against humanity and international law, including the crime of genocide committed in and around Srebrenica from 10-19. July 1995. Detailed descriptions of mass executions, with data on the number of victims, forensic evidence, mass graves of primary, secondary and tertiary character, can be found in the verdicts rendered in the abovementioned court processes. The significance of these judgments for the historiography of the Srebrenica genocide is immeasurable. They represent an important historical source and a starting point for any further research. The documents in the possession of the ICTY, which were used in the above processes, are available in the Tribunal’s electronic database and are also very significant for historical science. The verdicts gave a detailed reconstruction of the “nine days of hell,” as judges characterized the period after the fall of Srebrenica. The question of representation of earlier periods in historiography, relating to very dynamic developments within Srebrenica during 1992, 1993 and 1994, is also discussed in the paper. Public discourse on the Srebrenica genocide is completely dominated by topics from July 1995, which gives the impression that the period preceding the fall of the enclave is neglected.
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The dissolution of the former SFR Yugoslavia during the last decade of the 20th century took place in the conditions of the war conflict that culminated in Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the four-year war (1992–1995), in the form of armed aggression by neighboring countries against the internationally recognized independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, there was an enormous toll on the population, material and cultural assets. The international community’s reluctance to end the war with diplomacy and military intervention also contributed to this. When she was determined to do so, the war ended with the peace in Dayton, November 1995. The complexities of war events, concerning the causes, course and consequences of war, require an extremely meticulous research approach from multiple scientific aspects – including historiographical ones. Although numerous works, mostly quasi-scientific but also historiographical, have emerged over the past two and a half decades, there is a clear lack of a systematic and scientific approach to the study of war events, unique and synchronous at the state level. If such a system existed, then the true intentions of researchers of all scientific profiles, including historians, would have yielded a fundamentally scientific result. Due to this situation in front of the state and society, profession and science, it is imperative to impose the establishment of a functional national (B&H) system of dealing with sources of historical knowledge in the spirit of the provisions of international legal and social acts. Its essence should be: adoption of appropriate legal regulations at the state and / or lower administrative levels, especially evaluation of documents of war provenance and their transfer to competent institutions of culture and science, adequate protection, preservation and professional preparation for use of these sources, and creation of material and personnel assumptions that such a system works successfully, etc. The establishment of a special archive for war documentation in the Republic of Croatia is an indicative and instructive example for Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the formation of a similar institution in Bosnia and Herzegovina will not occur in due course, due to the particular interests of the ruling political elites, who, in their own way, are more or less directly or indirectly connected with the war events in order to impress upon them the current situation anarchy and lawlessness in this area.
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Since the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Serbia used to be focused on the political status of its territorial gains (Kosovo, Macedonia, Sandzak), rather than on the social reality in these areas. The very reputation of the Serbian army, which occupied/liberated Kosovo in 1912, induced distrust of non-Slavic population towards the new state. Serbian military attempt to reach the Adriatic via northern parts of Albania (1912/13), as well as the treatment of Albanian civilians during these actions largely compromised the international reception of Serbian ‘liberation intentions’. That is one of the reasons why the Serb-Albanian conflict was difficult to be channelled during the first Yugoslav state. Instead of focusing on how to basically modernize the almost feudal society in its ‘Southern province’, the new government resorted to the territorial and demographic re-composition of the area, which was wedged between the myths of autochthonous people and the claims for ethnic and historical rights. It soon became clear that the ‘Albanian national question’ could not have been solved by inventing the ‘historical provinces’, nor by splitting Kosovo into three territorial units. Following the idea of ‘balancing’ the ethnic composition of Kosovo in favor of the Serbs, the Yugoslav kingdom acceded to the controversial project of agrarian reform and colonization, which resulted in settling 20,000 families in 1000 colonies throughout the ‘southern regions’. At the same time, Belgrade regime ‘offered’ an institutional framework for chaotic Muslim exodus (initialised after the Great Eastern Crisis), which elaborated practical ideas about emigration of ’disloyal’ Albanians. In order to colonize its eastern area, Turkey was ready to receive 200,000 Yugoslavs of ‘Turkish culture’, which was stipulated by the Yugoslav-Turkish Convention in 1938. The absurdity of territorial and demographic experiments came to the fore during the Second World War, when Kosovo fell under several various occupying regimes. An urgent request of German commander for Southeast to immediately stop the emigration of the Serbs ‘because it was bringing Kosovo to the brink of an anarchy’, ironically demystifies the very nature of demographic solutions resorted to since 1912, even after the creation of socialist Yugoslavia. After the establishment of military rule in Kosovo in early 1945, which very much resembled the early-1920s, the Communist authorities revised the interwar colonization, returning to the Albanian owners one-fifth of land, seized by the Yugoslav monarchist regime. However, dissatisfaction with the situation in Kosovo was still evident among its population, which triggered new migratory waves to Turkey. According to their volume, they far exceeded the pre-war Muslim emigration. The Yugoslav state was active in supporting the process of expatriation of Albanians as in previous times. The spiral of alternate demographic shifts and continuous administrative-territorial redefinition of space did not have positive effects on social cohesion in Kosovo.
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In this article I analyze the reporting of two daily newspapers, one Serbian (Politika) and the other one Albanian (Rilindja), in the context of a historical dispute between the Serbs and Albanians. The article focuses on the ways that these nations were represented in these newspapers in the early twentieth century, at the time of the Balkan wars, Albanian independence and the First World War, and towards the end of that century, during the late 1980s and early 1990s and the dissolution of the socialist Yugoslavia. The study is limited to the analysis of the reporting in the Belgrade-based newspaper Politika at the time of the declaration of independence of Albania (1912), prior to the establishment of newspaper in Kosovo in Albanian language, as well as on the reporting of Politika and Prishtina-based Rilindja in September 1987, during a crisis caused by the death of five soldiers at the Yugoslav Army fort in the town of Paraćin in Central Serbia. Taking into consideration an abundance of historical arguments about a peaceful of Serbs and Albanians in the Balkans, I infer that one-sided journalism full of prejudices, stereotypes and even racism (Rilindja) was one of the crucial factors in creating negative attitudes towards „the Other“. I also conclude that such reporting apparently aided in creating a rift between the two nations, and therefore claim that promoting a different kind of journalism, led by professional standards and best practices instead of stereotypes, prejudices or political benefits, would have great role in bridging this rift.
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In this paper we examine to which extent was egalitarian vocabulary of Yugoslav socialism able to provide an alternative framework for interpretation of Serbian-Albanian relations. Our initial hypothesis is that – due to the experimental nature of Yugoslav self-management socialism, which implied certain compromises with liberal capitalism – the Yugoslav elite was structurally bound to systematically negate the social aspect of protests that took place in Kosovo in 1968, 1981 and 1988. Using critical discourse analysis on daily newspapers (Politika, Večernje novosti and Borba), we show how the nomenclature treated the complex social-political aspects of the social uprisings exclusively as a manifestation of nationalism. To the actors involved, this discursive strategy suggested that nationalism is a common denominator for economic, political and ethnic equality. Final consequences of these discursive strategies will be shown through analysis of media coverage of protests in Kosovo and the “Brotherhood and Unity” meeting that took place Belgrade in 1988, wherein we can see that there is little space left for non-nationalistic interpretation of any kind of social uprising, both in media and actors’ perspective.
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The paper represents an attempt to overview the dynamics of the development of ideas about the Albanians and Serbian-Albanian relations in Serbian textbooks since the 1880s to the 1980s. The subjects of analysis were history and geography textbooks for both elementary and high school. Several topics were taken into consideration: Slovenian migrations to Balkans, Stara Srbija, First Balkan war, Second World War and The Resolution of the Communist Information Bureau (Informbiro). The paper shows that the data framed by these topics was insufficient for students to build up clear reflections based on a critique of the presentation of neighbors and to understand the relations between the two countries. The contents of the textbooks were in the function of the ruling political discourse, and the topics which surpassed their areas of interest were not considered valuable. For this reason contents which would enable better understanding of the other side, its contexts and their circumstances, were put aside. The paper thus points to the multiple questions which were elaborated incompletely, or were thematically neglected. This leads to a conclusion that the ignorance about the “other” has been “accumulated” over the generations, which presents itself as the fertile ground for embedded prejudices and all forms of manipulation.
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Purpose of this paper is to provide historical overview of the development of school system in Albanian language from 1945 to 2015 in Kosovo and South of Serbia, in municipalities of Presheva, Bujanovac and Medvedja. After the Second World War and establishment of socialist socio-economic relations, historical injustice against the Albanian people who did not have the right for education in their mother tongue during the Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenians has been corrected. Year after year, despite numerous problems, education in Albanian language was spread systematically in primary and secondary education system while in 1960 foundations for university studies were laid down. Development in school system in Albanian language in Kosovo at all levels by 1990, despite ideological and political constraints, has had tangible results in the education of many generations of Albanians. After 1999 Kosovo has developed an independent education system while Albanians from South of Serbia partially exercise the right to treat some of topics that relate to their nation.
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This article explores the attitudes of Serbian intellectuals in relation to Kosovo as a geographic area that gain special status and importance by being infused by symbolic meanings. The article aims at identifying and operationalizing discursive strategies through which the intellectuals use the notion of Kosovo and/or the metaphor "enemy/ the “Other“ figure“. The analysis of statements and writings of the intellectuals focuses on three seminal events of the post-Yugoslav, i.e. post-Milosević’s period, which marked the process of Kosovo independence. The events in question have are the “Kosovo pogrom“ from 2004, Kosovo declaration of independence in 2008 and the signing of the Brussels Agreement in 2013. The article should testify about the dilemmas (or the lack of thereof) among the intellectuals “by fate“ interested or provoked to publicly express their views on “the Kosovo question“ – does by being intellectual one is indebted above all to be loyal to his/her nation and to fight for its “rights“ through intellectual means, or actually to protest against the national and other euphoria and to promote universal values?
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U našim prigovorima na današnji tretman Ive Andrića u javnom prostoru, u obrazovnom sistemu i od strane političkih instanci i institucija, uz eksplicitno ili češće samo implicirano uspoređivanje s Andrićevim tretmanom u kulturnoj politici prethodnoga, jugoslavenskog sistema, krije se mogućnost stvaranja jedne pogrešne predodžbe i izazivanja još jednoga nesporazuma, koji se oko Andrića ionako množe, gotovo proporcionalno broju godina od njegove smrti i od propasti jugoslavenskoga kulturnog i političkog sistema. Lako se, naime, iz tih prigovora može steći dojam da se taj nekadašnji odnos prema Andriću i mjesto koje je zauzimao na tadašnjem službenom kulturnopolitičkom “ikonostasu” može smatrati dobrim i poželjnim, za razliku od današnjega, koji je, eto, na različite načine samo vulgarna politička i nacionalna instrumentalizacija velikoga pisca.
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Political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina during SACNL BIH and today (nationalism; dying of one state and emergence of the other; the change of values; seeking for political aliens outside Bosnia and Herzegovina; SACNL BiH was the alternative, is there an alternative today; fear; illusions of “our” truth). Has the national key become “rusted”? (Constitution from 1910; is it possible to neglect the national key in a country in which 96% of its population declares themselves as Bosniacs, Croats and Serbs; does today’s politics know how to treat national and religious identities). O kindred, let me make a poem about the language to you, the stupid language of yours and the wise one of mine – Krleža (How had the SACNL BIH treated the issue of the language and how do today’s politicians do it). How had SACNL BIH determined Bosnia and Herzegovina? (A review of documents, presentation by R. Čolaković). A stand view of the most prominent Serbian and Croatian politicians towards Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1943 and today (stand views of Đ. Pucar, R. Čolaković, N. Mastilović, B. Brajković, J. Grgurić and attitudes of today’s politicians towards Bosnia and Herzegovina). An attitude of SACNL BIH towards the religion (participation of priests in sessions of SACNL BIH; a stand view of the Partisan movement towards practising religion; establishment of Commission for religious affairs; about a religious education in schools). Concluding considerations.
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