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Kosovska bitka bila je i ostala u narodnoj svesti centralni događaj čitave srpske istorije. „Tu je po opštem, ali neopravdanom, uverenju propala srpska država, tu je pokopana njena samostalnost, tu je počelo robovanje Turcima”. Datum bitke je neosporan, dan Svetog Vida 15. jun (28. jun, po novom kalendaru) 1389. godine. Na srpskoj strani, uz kneza Lazara Hrebeljanovića, borili su se njegov zet Vuk Branković (koji će, u znatno kasnije nastalom predanju, biti optužen za izdaju) i bosanski vojvoda Vlatko Vuković, a na turskoj sultan (emir) Murat sa sinovima Bajazitom i Jakub Čelebijom. Ukoliko je Muratovo turbe (koje postoji i danas) nastalo na mestu pogibije turskog sultana, onda bi pozornica bitke bila deo kosovske ravnice kod sastava Laba i Sitnice, nedaleko od Prištine. Izvesna je, takođe, i pogibija oba vladara - kneza Lazara i sultana Murata-na samom bojnom polju. Ovog drugog nožem je rasporio neki srpski feudalac, kojeg će kasniji izvori identifikovati kao Miloša (K)obilića i kneževog zeta.
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The cultural life of members of Czech national minority in Croatia is very complex. It may be followed through diverse customs marking everyday life, as well as through the work of various cultural societies and institutions. Though researchers from the present Czech Republic have already recorded several aspects of cultural life, there is still a lack of surveys on the contribution of individual cultural societies to the nurturing of the cultural heritage of members of Czech national minority. This paper focuses on the operation of a part of rural youth that became not only a strong link to other cultural associations of members of Czech national minority, forming together with them a whole, but also the propagator and holder of Czech culture in the area of the present Bjelovar-Bilogora County. Organised independent work of members of rural youth commenced later, after they had gained useful experience in Czech besede (associations) under the patronage of senior generations. Since they were not satisfied with this type of relationship, and sometimes not even with the content of the work itself, young people decided to start their independent activity. The first such association, named Rural Junior Youth Society, was established in 1935 in Lipovac (Ljudevitino Selo) near Daruvar. Subsequently, further associations of the kind were established in the wider Daruvar area, in villages where the majority of the population were members of Czech national minority. In the period 1935–1941, in the wider Daruvar area, fifteen such associations were established; in 1940, they numbered 920 members, which made around 60 members per village. Though every association had a leadership of its own and was independent, they were all united within the common Rural Youth Association, which also had a common management led by Karlo Herot, teacher and chairperson, who was the chief initiator of establishing rural youth associations and the leading creator of their policies. These youth associations were the moving force of the cultural life and work in their midst. It was possible to follow their operation until the outbreak of World War Two in 1941.
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In the last twenty years in particular, the Slovenian (as well as Croatian) and Italian ritual practices that refer to, celebrate, or commemorate events or persons from the period dealt with in the joint report by the Slovenian-Italian historical committee – that is, from the end of the nineteenth century to the 1950s – have been characterized by a problematic relationship and intertwining of various discourses of different branches of authority on both sides of the border, discussions by historians of various ethnic backgrounds and orientations (e.g., negationist, revisionist, realistic, etc.), numerous Partisan and Italian exile organizations, neo-fascist and other subcultures, Internet forums, and so on. Based on an analysis of individual cases in Slovenian-Italian contacts, the author outlines some constants of discourse that assigns ethnic qualities, and occasional internal disagreements or ambivalence, and at the same time reveals the options for a more reflective relationship towards the past that have already been applied before. On 10 February, just over a week after commemorating the millions of Holocaust victims, the Italians annually commemorate the exodus of over 200,000 Italians (among these were also Slovenians and Croatians that opposed communism) from Yugoslavia, and especially the victims disposed of in karts shafts - foible when the Yugoslav Army drove the German army out of Trieste and ruled it for 40 days until the beginning of June 1945, when it had to relinquish it to the Anglo-American allied forces. In February 2007, the exodus and the victims were also commemorated by Italian President Giorgio Napolitano, a former communist, who gave a speech at Quirinal Palace on the barbarism, Slavic expansionism, and bloodthirsty rage of Tito’s army. He repeated the content of this speech again a year later, and then partly mitigated his views in 2009 by mentioning the fascist crimes that occurred before the tragic exodus and killings connected with the karst shafts. Napolitano’s words had a great impact in Slovenia and Croatia; the Croatian president saw elements of racism, revisionism, and the like in them. The European Commission disregarded the speech, but rebuked Croatian President Stjepan Mesić for reacting "inappropriately" to Napolitano’s speech. This official Italian position raises the question of the extent to which sub-cultural productions (especially graffiti, YouTube videos, and other video production) find their roots and a haven in the dominant discourse of certain official branches of authority. Is it possible that the graffiti on the memorial to the Slovenian victims of World War II in Bagnoli della Rosandra-Boljunec near Trieste and on the atmospheric Partisan monument in the village of Trnovo, and the video Trieste – ultima frontiera (Trieste: The Final Frontier) on YouTube, which revives the ideological discourse of a great Italy as the last outpost of civilization, apply certain similar or even identical elements (e.g., the Slavs as barbarians, loss of memory of the fascist violence from 1919 to 1943) as the discourse of the authorities? However, in addition to these options that reproduce the continuation of a conflict treatment of critical historical periods, there are also other options, especially at the local level. On the one hand, this involves the discourse of municipal authorities (e.g., between the mayors of and Gorizia at the towns’ joint Europe Square/Transalpine Square) and the efforts of certain groups, such as Concordia et pax, which seek the harmonious coexistence of all ethnic communities in this territory. Together with the mayors, they commemorate all of the victims from this critical period, clean the monuments that the members of certain far-right parties such as the Tricolor Flame Social Movement (MS FT) and New Force (Forza Nuova) daub with fascist symbols, try to understand this tragic period by organizing dialogue, and seek opportunities for new views. Among the successful campaigns, one needs to be highlighted in particular: the discussion between Lucio Toth, the former president of the Venezia-Giulia and Dalmatia National Association (ANVGD) exile organization and a former senator, Miloš Budin, a former Italian senator and ethnic Slovenian. This discussion was attended by all of the mayors from the Karst region; by stressing the grievances of and injustices against individuals and ethnic communities from the 1920s to the 1950s, the following thought in particular stood out: "We cannot build a common past, but we can build a common present and future." In addition, there is an effort to build a common memory, especially in the Nova Gorica-Gorizia/Gorica region. The Concordia et Pax association is particularly active in this regard: in 1995, they erected a joint memorial commemorating all victims, fallen soldiers, and others on Sveta gora (Holy Mount), raising the question of what to write on this sign. Among various options, the phrase "Concordia et Pax" (Harmony and Peace) proved to be the best choice.
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In the classic work Mythologia Fennica, published in 1789, the author Christfrid Ganander (1742–1790) tells a story based on oral tradition about two giants called Koljo and Kiljo, living in Rantsila in Osthrobothnia. When engaged in fighting, they hurled large stones at each other, and now the stones are found in the River Siikajoki, half a kilometre away, known later as Koljonkivi (gen. + kivi ‘stone’) and Kiljon - kivi. The still waters between the rocks have been called Koljonsuvanto, and in the vicinity there are also other places named after the same tradition (Ganander, 1789, 42). Even today, on the west bank of the River Siikajoki there stands a farmhouse called Koljo, while Kiljo’s farm stands on the east bank. [...]
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The article investigates how the so-called “archaeological" or "historical" clothes reach folklore ensembles. It focuses on the problems which the leaders of folk ensembles face in the effort to obtain such clothes, as well as the assistance they can expect from archaeologists, ethnologists, museum experts and folk masters. It also singles out the major reasons which encourage the selection of old 9th-15th century clothes rather than the traditional national attire of the end of the 19th-the beginning of the 20th century. Archaeological exhibitions have required rational and accurate data on the earliest Lithuanian clothes. The main reason which has necessitated reconstruction of the ancient Lithuanian clothes was the decision of museum experts to demonstrate archaeological finds on mannequins instead of exhibiting them on the shelves, which revealed that nobody knew how to dress them. Another stimulus was the trip of archaeologists and museum experts to Biskupin in Poland, where the Living Archaeology Festival was arranged. The idea of such a festival was brought to Lithuania and realized in Kernave. We have analysed three different ways of the acquisition of ancient clothes starting with archaeological finds, archaeologists, restorers, folk masters and designers, and ending up with folklore ensembles. It is most important to exoi cise a practical application of the living experimental archaeology, which is so popular today.
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Upurēšanas tradīcijas latviešu mitoloģijas kontekstā nav pētītas, taču šim aspektam pieskaras lielākā daļa pētnieku, kas rakstījuši par senlatviešu reliģiju un mitoloģiju. Jāmin tādi vārdi kā P.Šmits, K.Straubergs, L.Adamovičs, H.Biezais, M.Bruņenieks, arī latviešu gadskārtu un godu apcerētāji M.Grīns, M.Grīna un O.Līdeks. Seno latviešu svētvietu pētniecībā lielu ieguldījumu devis arheologs J.Urtāns. Ziedošanas tradīcijas esmu pētījusi senlatviešu reliģijas, mitoloģijas un folkloras kontekstā. Pie tam kopīgās indoeiropeiskās saknes ļauj saskatīt paralēles daudzu pasaules tautu vēsturē. īpaši esmu akcentējusi celtņu ziedojumus, jo cilvēku upurēšanas vienīgais neapstrīdamais pierādījums Latvijas teritorijā ir saistīts tieši ar šāda veida ziedojumiem. [...]
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The paper is based on the notes of Russian travelers to Palestine in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and explores the history of foreign presence in the Holy Land at this time, when the flow of pilgrims from Russia to Palestine greatly increased. Biblical Palestine began to attract representatives of the clergy, monks, and worshipers as well as representatives of the nobility, intellectuals, writers, artists, journalists, teachers, and august persons. This long journey — through the outskirts of the empire, the Turkish straits, and finally Palestine itself — presupposed, first of all, a spiritual and intellectual quest. Therefore, pilgrims often kept diaries and hiking notes, and sent detailed letters to relatives, thus leaving a layer of sources of personal origin. The most famous of these are notes by E. I. Tarasov, I. N. Bartsikhovsky, E. L. Markov, G. A. Gorbunov, V. Vereshchagin, N. P. Kondakov, and others. Once in the Holy Land, travelers reflected on the surrounding reality, nature, and everyday customs of local residents and foreign tourists. A special place in the Palestinian narrative was occupied by the theme of foreign presence, which revealed itself in the description of the confessional, economic, political, cultural, and philanthropic activities of European states in the Holy Land. In this connection, the author sets out to reconstruct the forms of foreign presence and to answer the following questions: What alignment of forces of the European powers did Russian travelers see in Palestine? Who, in their opinion, posed the greatest threat to Russian interests in the Holy Land?
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Etnolinguistic and anthropological field work in Rostov on Don region (villages Margaritovo, Semibalki, Pavlo-Ochakovo, Chumbur-Kosa, town Azov) was organized in 2015-2017. The materials of these expeditions are focused on death rites of local population in the border of Russia and Ukraine. The collected data of traditions and revitalization of old rites are very important for multidisciplinary study of the migrants from the Balkans (Arnauts, or Greeks and Albanians, according to historical archives of the 18th century) on the territory of the former Russian Empire.The author has paid special attention to the tradition of death rites in 19th – beginning 21st century. The memorial rituals on certain fixed days throughout the year are other theme of the studies. All of the materials are collected from our informants last years. We can analyze transformation of death rites and memorial rituals during the 20th century.
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The article examines a number of evidence pointing to the close contacts between the ancient Chechen and the proto-Bulgarian tribes, their interpenetration, and mutual participation in the ethnogenesis and formation of modern Chechens and Bulgariansduring the early Middle Ages. It also studies their participation in migration processes on the territory of the Eurasian steppes and mountains of the so-called Turan. An interdisciplinary analysis is carried out using historical, ethnographic, genetic, archeological, linguistic, and fieldwork data. The article also traces out the movement of the proto-Chechen and proto-Bulgarian communities from the Caucasus to Central Asia, as well as their reverse flow to the North Caucasus and further to the Black Sea region.
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The songs of the Epos of Kreshniks (Heroic Songs), part of Albanian folk literature, belong to an ancient period of our history, related to the Ancient Medieval. This has been proven by different aspects of these creations, one of which being the archaic elements in the grammatical structure. Among the archaic grammatical elements preserved in the Epos of Kreshnik, we can clearly note: the neutral gender of the names (for ex. ata bukë), paradigms of the feminine gender with a theme in the consonants (for ex. lodja), the ablative case without a preposition (for ex. Ndalnju gurrave), indefinite masculine names without case ending (for ex. t’vllat), the forms of the genitive-dative cases in the plural with the ancient ending -e (for ex. krushqet), the interrogative pronoun pre-articled (for ex. i cili jush sarajet m’i dojtë?), the short form of the third personal pronoun plural u, instead of the second person ju (for ex. a u ra n’mend për babë e nanë), the optative mood in the function of the subjunctive mood (for ex. kush dalsh t’ligt nuses me m’ja hjekë), paratax constructions (for ex. kanë nisë kangën e po këndojnë,/ kanë nisë lodrën e po lodrojnë) etc..
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The text raises the important question about the authenticity of the folklore legends about Tsar Ivan Shishman in the Samokov region.
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The poem “Cyril and Methodius”, more commonly known as “Varvi, Narode Vazrodeni…” was written in 1892 by Stoyan Mihaylovsky in Ruse. Before starting work as an Associate Professor of Literature at Sofia University “St. Clement of Ohrid”, he used to teach at the high school in Ruse, which is exactly where, on 15 April he wrote the fourteen verses and sent them to Dr. Krastev. The latter then published them in book no. 9–10 of the “Misal” magazine. The text of the hymn may seem pretty familiar to us, and maybe exactly because of this, we do not pay enough attention to the cultural connotation of the images of St. Cyril and St. Methodius in it. And the connotation is rich and intentional. The current research aims at trying to decode it and find out why exactly the images of the two first teachers are always a support in Bulgarian mentality.
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In a critical situation the hero is in an arid mountain and wants to cut the head of his horse and drink its blood. The historical roots of the song represent fragments of the New Year‘s mythological complex associated with the rituals of killing a holy horse and initiation and marriage of the shaman-like priest. The calendric-astronomical basis of the motif is associated with two New Year‘s transitions – in the beginning of March (by the course of the Moon) and at the end of April and the beginning of May (by the course of the Pleiades).
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A variant of interpretation of the folklore biography of the place Zhelyovi kamani near the village of Orizari in the region of Tvarditsa is submitted with a view to the opinion about the folklore biography of the place as a main topos with centre-organizing functions in the settlement space and an active participant in the construction of the settlement biography. The affair in question is the attitude to this biography, motivated through myths, legends, traditional ritualism in the local knowledge. It is expressed in the active appreciation towards the inherited knowledge and its own interpretation of its aspects even “faking” of the contents through the view of a local resident.
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The instrumental Macedonian ethnopop music is particularly interesting phenomenon because of its development and prolonged existence in conditions with persistent internal influences of the social and economic environment, but also external influences from the neighboring and distant music cultures. These influences have determined the way of the creation of this music and its final musical products. Regarding the fact that the instrumental Macedonian ethnopop music had its peak especially in the 1980ties, the subject of interest in this paper will be the musical pieces from the mentioned period. Also, a special at¬tention will be dedicated to the creativity, in other words to the process of creation of the instrumental Macedonian ethnopop music and the reproductive process of this music. The conclusions will be based on the analysis of the music characteristics of the recorded material which forms the database of the sample of 100 music pieces.
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The folklore narratives for the water bull from Kyustendil region occupy an important place in the Bulgarian folklore faith. They represent a connection between historical Bulgarian communities on both sides of the Bulgarian-Serbian and Bulgarian-Macedonian state borders.
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The article discusses modern patterns of expressing wishes which are transformations of ancient pagan rituals. With the adoption of Christianity, these models and, above all, their form, such as wishes, undergo changes under the influence of biblical symbols. The main attention is paid to the relationship between the functions of non-verbal and verbal semiotics in the rituals of wishes in the mythological, religious-Christian and secularised worldviews. In addition, the point that the ritual is a set of consecutive ritual actions is supported. An attempt is also made to reveal the inner form of wishes through the prism of the theory of gift-exchange. The characteristics of external and internal pragmatics of the remnants of an ancient ritual is represented in wishes as cultural etiquette forms of gift-exchange or, as is customary to say in modern discourse studies, forms of politeness. The need for experimental studies of different ethnocultures aiming at the remains of ancient rituals in modern consciousness is substantiated.
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