Around the Bloc: Bulgaria Bans the Burqa
Bulgarian lawmakers ban women from wearing the burqa and niqab in public; those who do will be fined and lose their social benefits.
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Bulgarian lawmakers ban women from wearing the burqa and niqab in public; those who do will be fined and lose their social benefits.
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Od kilku lat w najpopularniejszych polskich filmach można zauważyć nowy trend: eksplorowanie ekranowej przemocy. Mamy dziś do czynienia z nadprodukcją obrazów gwałtu, cierpienia i zabijania; konstruowaniem fabuł wokół sadyzmu, masochizmu i innych sposobów zadawania bólu.
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Sigmund Freud was a passionate collector of Egyptian, Greek and Roman artifacts. Though at the time the acquisition of ancient antiques was within the reach of people other than millionaires or world famous conductors, tennis champions and mafia bosses, buying them meant not a small hardship for Freud, who was far from rich. Not surprisingly, he tried to acquire works of art as cheaply as possible.
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An article refers to the ghettoization of Budapest, which plans was created just after when German troops invaded Hungary on 19 March 1944. Paper presents particular stages of the Jews’ fate in Budapest. Which were: duty of wearing the yellow-stars, establishment of the ‘Yellow-star Houses’ and ‘Protected Houses’, moreover a movement to ghetto, which was established on 5 December 1944. An article contains an analyse of ghettoization theme with an example of the ‘large ghetto’, ‘international ghetto’ and also refers to the people’s fates which rescued Jews (‘Righteous among the Nations’).
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Es war 5559 Kriege vom Summerzeiten bis zum zweite Weltkrieg, Nach 1945 etwa 160 Kriege. Was ist der Krieg eigentlich? Es ist ein Zustand, in dem die Staaten gegeneinander kämpfen und keine friedliche Beziehungen zusamen haben. Es ist hier wichtig ius ad bellum (also die Staat hat Recht um Krieg zu führen. Heute Krieg ist verboten, es sind nur zwei Möglichkeiten, die Selbstverteidigungskrieg und militärische Aktion auf Initiative des UN – Sicherheitsrates) und ius in bello (Internationale humanitären Völkerrechts, hier wichtig sind Menschenrecht. Hauptmenschenrecht ist das Recht auf Leben, lebende Menschen haben Rechte). Es sind Grundsätze des humanitären Völkerrechts, aber nicht immer sind beobachtet. Wir haben 4 verschiedene Systeme zum Schutz der Menschenrechte, für Polen besonders interessant ist Europäisches und Internes System. In Polen mit Recht auf Leben ist nur ein Problem, während des Krieges haben wir Todesstrafe. Der Krieg respektiert Menschenrechte nicht ot.
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In the context of the needs and rights of older migrants, migration history is particularly important where the elderly forced migrants are twice as vulnerable. Bearing in mind the intense process of population aging in Serbia which holds the attention of scientists and experts, and the large number of refugees who immigrated in the 90-ies from the former Yugoslav republics, selected socio-demographic structures of the elderly forced migrants in Serbia were analyzed as well as the relevant legal and strategic framework. The aim was to contribute to increasing knowledge of the demographic challenges of this subpopulation of forced migrants, as well as the differences relative to the domicile aging population. The data used in this study included a contingent of forced migrants aged 65 and over, on the basis of additionally processed Census data from 2011, based on questions about the place of birth of the person, year of arrival, the country in which the person lived and the reasons for migration. Hence, the category which is the subject of research, is not defined on the basis of formal refugee status. A comparison of selected socio-demographic characteristics was made in relation to the domicile population, which in the paper means the population of Serbia without forced migrants. The research results indicate that older forced migrants in Serbia have characteristics of the general population of older people in Serbia. Their age-gender and marital structures are relatively similar. Most older women are widows who are heads of households, while a significant number are persons with disabilities as well. However, the process of aging of the elderly, present within the local population has not affected forced migrants yet, so this population is to some extent more vital. Data on the economic activity of the elderly forced migrants in Serbia point out to the lack of income as the main problem they are faced with. Older forced migrants are economically active to a lesser extent compared to the domicile elderly population, while the major differences between the two subgroups of the population are observed among the economically inactive persons. There is a noticeable smaller share of pensioners and a significantly higher share of persons who perform only housework in their households of elderly forced migrants than for the domicile aging population, largely owing to the female population. This can be explained by the lower level of female employment of forced migrants in countries of origin but could also result from the circumstances of exile. Single-person elderly households of forced migrants are twice as vulnerable in economic terms than the domicile one, which confirms the high dependence of these groups of older migrants on financial aid. The lack of income of one part of the elderly forced migrants is a consequence of the unresolved issue of pension payments from Croatia, as most of the older forced migrants in Serbia are people from that former republic of Yugoslavia. The older forced migrants in Serbia from the former Yugoslav republics are relatively few in number, but a sensitive population that has legally integrated into the community since 2001 and is facing the same challenges as the local elderly population. Due to the circumstances of refugeeism in Serbia, these persons, as opposed to older migrants in other countries, have no linguistic or cultural barriers that could potentially hinder their integration within society but also within the social welfare and health care. However, although they have all legal rights as the local population, refugeeism gives a specific earmark to the social aspects of aging of these persons, and hinders their integration into economic and social life.
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The aim of the article is to find answers to a number of questions on protests in Ukraine at the end of 2013 and at the beginning of 2014: who and what for took part in the protests, how the groups of opponents were organised; what goals were reached and which were postponed? The article is based on sociological quantitative methods, but also on psychological and anthropological factors. The role of social networks and means of communication Web 2.0 is also analyzed.
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In Central Asia co-occur external and internal factors, which are having impact on terrorism rise. Particularly neighbourhood with Afghanistan and Pakistan enables a specific environment for a net connections and collaboration for radical groups. The Fergana Valley is an example of internal factors effect. The problem of poverty, lack of infrastructure and ethnic conflicts ease radicalism and terrorism rise.
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Some worry about cooperation of extremists with the police to patrol city streets.
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I propose a speculative, debunking explanation for the widespread tendency to attribute special value to family relationships. Instead, I suggest, the value of family relationships between adults flows from the same source as the value of intimate relationships between people who are not related by kinship: that of love. This is important because social expectations and (contested) pieces of legislation often privilege family over non-family close relationships, and often seek to preserve family relationships that, if my suggestion is correct, would be better dissolved. Moreover, if love is the source of value of all intimate relationships, this can help reframe debates such as that concerning same-sex marriage in more constructive ways.
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In this paper, I advance the position that some relationships between human caregivers and their non-human companion animals ought to be thought of (and treated as) instances of parenting. Parenting non-human animals shares many of the same features as parenting human children, including similar (although not identical) rights, responsibilities, rewards, and challenges. I argue for increased visibility, recognition, and respect of this form of parenting, and draw out some of the moral and practical implications of doing so. Finally, I discuss challenges to my view, and ultimately argue that despite these potential objections, we still have significant reasons to value this particular form of parenting on par with other parenting arrangements.
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During the summer and the autumn of 1991 there was a Peace Movement of the Požega Valley active in the area of the former Slavonska Požega County. The objective of the Peace Movement was suppression of conflicts between the Croats and the Serbs and imposition of dialogue as the main method of resolving the international tension that escalated in Slavonska Požega County in 1991. Besides, members of the Movement tried to develop the principles of democracy in the critical moments of the collapse of Yugoslavia and the break-up of socialism. The Peace Movement of the Požega Valley was gathered around the Initial Board (Founding Board) and other protagonists and associates. Members of the Initial Board (Founding Board) of the Peace Movement of the Požega Valley encouraged and organized all activities dealing with accomplishment of the fundamental objectives of the Movement and in doing so managed to gather a couple of thousand citizens. Anti-war gatherings were organized as well as a march from the Saint Trinity Square to the military quarters of Yugoslavia National Army in Slavonska Požega with messages of peace. Members of the Peace Movement made a poster, a postcard, and a flyer and thus tried to persuade more citizens to join their initiative. This paper gives insight into mostly unknown information (data) about the Movement and analyzes the most important aspects of its activities.
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Looking in a retrospective way, Serbs do not have, nor have canonized sociological “classics” of them. But, to be able to acknowledge on which way is sociology established in the Serbia, it is necessary to see the way of its self-constitution in a building of connections with the history, organic development and the whole culture of our own people. Without that connection it is impossible to make sociology of any people. By that, in the following its way of developing, for its principle and the focus of interests I am taking “radical sociology”, “engaged intellectual” and the famous Serb of 19th century Svetozar Marković, as the first Serbian thinker for whom is the ordering of society, by himself, most significant question of the society.
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Formulation of the problem. The urgency of a comprehensive study of the institute of political parties is conditioned by several illustrative circumstances. The past election campaign in the Ukrainian parliament in 2019 was marked by the fact that it was held under the old “rules of the game.” It is known that the parliamentary election campaigns of1998, 2002, 2007, 2012 also used a mixed system of elections, in which 50% of parliamentarians were elected in majority constituencies and 50% of people ’s deputies were elected on a proportional basis for party lists. According to the current rules of elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, candidates for the People’s Deputies will be nominated by a political party, which were registered in accordance with the established procedure no later than one year before the elections. Despite the fact that the institute of self-nomination of candidates for the People’s Deputies remains, political parties have become the main political players, the only active actors in the electoral process of Ukraine and have received a strong impetus for their development.The purpose of this article is to reveal the history of political party formation in order to gain a better understanding of the essential nature of these important political entities and to identify promising moments in the development of parties in Ukraine.Analysis of recent research and publications. In the world and Ukrainian partology, it should be noted that well-known foreign experts J. Sartori, M. Duverge, A. Leiphart, S. Avineri, G. Almond, E. Wind, S. Lipset, S. Rokkan, S. Neumann in characterization the current state and prospects of the development of parties as political institutions indicate a direct connection and mutual influence between the party and electoral systems. Particular attention of domestic partologists M. Primus, N. Goncharuk, A. Pakharev, I. Kre-sina, O. Erzhov, V. Lytvyn, G. Malkin, Y. Shvedy focuses on the problem of the influence of the electoral process on the formation of the party system in Ukraine. Recently, in connection with the growing role of parties in the political life of our country, studies of new aspects of their activity have appeared: L. Gonyukova considers political parties as an institute of state policy and governance, O. Sakiri concentrates attention on the principles of constructing the image of a political party, O. Nikogosyan considers the peculiarities of the development of political parties and party systems in the post-communist space, A. Tetyanich explores the constitutional and legal principles of state control over the activities of political parties, etc.The article deals with the history of the formation and development of political parties as socio-political institutions, from the time of antiquity to the emergence of mass parties in the second half of the nineteenth century. The latest trends in the evolution of the institution of political parties as subjects of democratic politics in polyarchy systems are analyzed. It is noted that political parties have become the main political players, the only active actors in the electoral process of Ukraine and have received a strong impetus for their development. Modern political parties emerge as institutions of democratic politics, they “grow” from the bottom, are created by politically active citizens for the protection of their own interests, and therefore represent first and foremost an important segment of civil society, which unites it with public authorities. For a long time, the division of the parties into the left was adopted (the Communists, the Social Democrats were referred to here), the centrists (those who tried to defend the interests of the majority), the right (who stood for an elitist understanding of politics). However, as most political parties shifted to the middle class in the 20th century, only two of them became right-wing: center-right and center-left. At the same time, the ranking scale itself remained the same. At the end of the twentieth century. significant changes occurred in the political sphere of society. Political parties began to lose their traditional class character and appeal not so much to certain social strata as to all groups of the population. American political scientist J. Lapalambara called this type of political party a “grab all party” and then a “voter party”. This trend is also confirmed in modern Ukraine (Party of Servants). Parties have stopped offering ways to develop society, politicians are only interested in voter votes, not ideological issues.It is concluded that modern Ukrainian parties need to go a long way in their development to meet all the criteria of a democratic political party. Ukrainian parties must undergo a transformation from political additions of oligarchic holdings to truly mass popular structures based on the principle of modernization, and then there will be a significant increase in real support.A promising direction for further research is to consider the organizational foundations of the functioning of political parties in polyarchies and under hybrid political regimes.Remarks are made about the prospects of party building in contemporary Ukraine.
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Problem setting. The relevance of the problem of the study is determined by the fact that in modern conditions radicalism is an integral component of the political life of many countries, manifesting itself in the activities, values of the ruling and opposition elites, as well as ordinary citizens. Being a multifaceted phenomenon, in the age of globalization, it is transformed and modified, taking on different types and forms, corresponding to new civilizational challenges and risks.Recent research and publications analysis. The phenomenon of radicalism is constantly in the field of view of scientists. But in the last two decades alone, dozens of books and hundreds of articles have been written on this topic, and several encyclopedias have been published exploring the phenomenon. Among scholars who study the nature, nature, forms and methods of combating radicalism, such researchers as B. Balleck, B. Barnes, K. Bos, J. Weitzdörfer, A. Goings, O. Grishin, V. Davidov, D. Johnson, M. Cohen, I. Lopushansky, D. Needham, J. Radwani, H. Rahman, S. Samoilov, V. Plotnikov, R. Snyder,I. Shegaev and others. Much attention was paid to the study of radicalism by Ukrainian scientists, such as S. Avdeyev, V. Antipenko, O. Bardin, V. Yemelyanov, V. Krutov, L. Levchenko, V. Lipkan, V. Mandragelya, O. Panfilov, V. Smolyanuk, M. Cherkas and others. [24-26]. But because of the complexity, the variability, the multiplicity of this phenomenon, its social and political danger, radicalism needs to be constantly considered and monitored.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to investigate the phenomenon of radicalism and its main manifestations in modern society.Paper main body. The term “radicalism” originated in England at the end of the XVIII century. In the nineteenth century it has spread in continental Europe and has marked social and political and philosophical reflections focused on social, political, economic and cultural transformations and relevant reform practices. The sources of radicalism are the unfavorable socio-economic and political environment, ideological and ideological ideas, man-made and environmental threats, spiritual factors, socio-psychological attitudes and personality characteristics, internalized behavior and other factors.There are two main components of radicalism. First, it is the focus on a radical transformation of society, that is, its ideal is fundamentally (or at least very, very substantially) different from existing society. Secondly, radicalism is characterized by a commitment to decisive measures, methods, ways of transformation. Nowadays, the word “radicalism” means a way of thinking and a related pattern of behavior, characterized by: fundamentalism strict adherence to the requirements of any doctrine (religious, political, philosophical, etc.); a utopian view of the possibility of building a society in which the main types of social evil will be eradicated; revolutionism recognizes the inevitable drastic and violent change in existing social relations, the rule of law that enshrines them. The first element of radicalism establishes the essence of the world and the cause of inconsistency with its existing social relations. The second element points to the social ideal that society should strive for. The third element reveals the method of achieving the ideal. In other words, the three basic elements of radicalism answer the questions “what”, “why” and “how” to change in social life. In addition, radicalism is characterized by the absolutization of “simple” solutions to complex and multifaceted social, political, economic, inter-ethnic, religious, environmental and other problems, the justification and idealization of violence as an “effective” means of direct and immediate action, thereby the illusory hope of overcoming social political helplessness, lack of tolerance and readiness for dialogue and compromise. The main types of radicalism are analyzed.Successfully combating radicalism can only be rooted in tolerance, supporting inter-cultural, inter-religious and inter-ethnic dialogue in society, forming the ideologem of anti-radicalism, political and legal culture of a truly democratic, legal, social society of European type. Only a comprehensive approach that combines the study of ideology and practice of radicalism with the conduct of information and education campaigns by public institutions, the media, all civil society, social, economic and political reforms to further democratization and liberalization of all spheres of life and quality of life, raising the quality of life, empowerment of all social groups, especially disadvantaged and marginalized groups, ensuring equal inter-denominational and inter-ethnic dialogue, joint efforts at the regional and global level, will give a real chance to minimize the manifestations of radicalism in modern society. It is impossible to destroy radicalism, but it is quite possible to minimize its destructive manifestations.Conclusions of the research. Radicalism is quite widespread in the modern world today. The actualization of these or other forms radicalism depends on the specific historical conditions and tasks facing the country and the respective socio-political forces and their location. The formation of a paradigm of anti-radicalism in society and its spread among the majority of the population is possible by overcoming the violence, destructiveness, irrationality and utopianism of the modern world.
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Radicalization nowadays represents an extremely complex topic. Farhad Khosrokhavar, a sociologist at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS, Paris) came up with a complex definition: „ the process by which an individual or a group adopts a violent form of action, that is directly linked to an extremist ideology with a political, social, or religious content, which contests the established political, social, or cultural order „ (Radicalisation, 2014, p. 7). In most cases, we come across the term „ radicalization „ in a context related to immigration, terrorism, counter-terrorism, political and/or religious violence, the Islam vs. the West paradigm, key notions in understanding the big issues in the contemporary world. Thus, we witness a heightened preoccupation with radicalization on a European political level, correlated with an entire chain of events on the international scene. Out of this arises the necessity of programs and concrete measures for deradicalization, implying those actions meant to ”reverse the radicalization process” the term being mostly used in relation with Islamist terrorism.
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The onset of a new form of terrorist threat at the beginning of the 21st century, at a European level, characterized by the involvement of European citizens or residents in acts of terrorism has led to a paradigm shift in the way the fight for terrorism prevention is approached. From a counterattack strategy, the decision factors have turned towards a prevention-oriented strategy, based on early intervention policies. To define the transformation process of an individual leading a normal life into a person who resorts to acts of extreme violence against the community, the concept of “radicalization” was used. If, until 2001, this term was mainly used to indicate a shift towards a more radical policy, after 2004 it was more and more used among researchers, political dissidents, and mass-media, becoming a central element in the terrorism prevention policies. Recently introduced in the national legislation, the concept of “radicalization” for terrorist purposes is less known and debated by the scientific works in Romania; however, it represents a field of maximum importance and topicality not only for the European institutions, but also for the Member States of the European Union which are confronted with radicalization as a phenomenon. This article approaches the main aspects related to the conceptualization of the notion of “radicalization” for terrorist purposes, which are required for a better understanding of the phenomenon.
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The article explores how the European populist radical right uses references to rights and freedoms in its political discourse. By relying on the findings of the existing research and applying the discourse-historical approach to electoral speeches by Marine Le Pen and Jarosław Kaczýnski, the leaders of two very dissimilar EU PRR parties, the Rassemblement National and the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, the article abductively develops a functional typology of references to rights and freedoms commonly used in discourses of European PRR parties: it suggests that PRR discourses in Europe feature references to the right to sovereignty, citizens’ rights, social rights, and economic rights. Such references are used as a coherent discursive strategy to construct social actors following the PRR ideological core of nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. As the PRR identifies itself with the people, defined along nativist and populist lines, rights are always attributed to it. The PRR represents itself as the defender of the people and its rights, while the elites and the aliens are predicated to threaten the people and its rights. References to rights in PRR discourses intrinsically link the individual with the collective, which allows to construct and promote a populist model of ethnic democracy.
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Terrorist organizations based on the ideology of Islamic fundamentalism are increasingly involved in various criminal activities in order to generate income for their own functioning and continuation of terrorist activity. These include: money laundering, human trafficking, drug and arms smuggling, cybercrime, illegal tax systems, extortion, robbery, trade in cultural monuments etc. Al‑Qaeda and the Islamic State are the most prominent examples of Islamist terrorist groups with extremely extensive and diverse financial systems. The aim of the article is to analyze the process of financing fundamentalist terrorist organizations of Al‑Qaeda and the Islamic State from the sources coming from organized crime. The study also attempts to describe and analyze financing of terrorist activities, its classification, as well as sources of financing of Al‑Qaeda and ISIS, with particular emphasis on criminal proceeds and their comparison in terms of similarities and differences.
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In the years 2015-2021, Russia’s rank in Global Terrorism Index became lower every year. In 2015 and 2016, it was classified as third among the European countries, behind Ukraine and France. In the following period (2017-2021), the United Kingdom also found itself ahead of Russia, which fell to the fourth position. The present article has the form of a quantitative analysis. The research goal is to identify trends related to terrorism that take place in the Russian Federation in the years 2015-2022 (in some parts, the analysis covers the time span between 2015 and 2021, due to lack of data). According to the hypothesis: The phenomenon of terrorism in Russia is closely related to the activities of jihadist organizations, and groups with a different profile pose a marginal threat. Quantitative analysis of the attacks conducted in the analyzed period will enable the verification of the hypothesis and determine the prospects for the development of this aspect.
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