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Conversation between Dr. Anatoli Kanev and Prof. Dr. Miliyana Kaymakamova about Bulgarian history and role Politics played in different periods of it. There is one question to be answered and it is: How to make history "interesting" in suited in the modern society?
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Der Prophet Elija gilt in der karmelitanischen Tradition für den geistlichen Stifter des Ordens. Seit Beginn, also der Behauptung des Karmelitenordens im 13. Jahrhundert, ist er der geistliche Führer der Karmeliten. Die Frömmigkeit des Ordens, die an Elija gerichtet wurde, intensivierte sich im 17. Jahrhundert auf der Grundlage der historiographischen Werke der Karmeliten sowie deren Kritik durch Bollandisten. Zu Ausdrücken elianischer Tradition gehörten die Elemente des Ordenskleides und des Ordenswappens, die Ikonografie, die Annahme von Ordensnamen, die Literatur und die Liturgie. /Prorok Eliasz w tradycji karmelitańskiej uchodzi za duchowego założyciela zakonu. Od początków sformalizowania zakonu karmelitów w XIII wieku jest on dla nich przewodnikiem duchowym. Pobożność zakonna skierowana ku Eliaszowi zintensyfikowała się w XVII wieku na skutek karmelitańskich prac historiograficznych, a także ich krytyki przez bollandystów. Wyrazem eliańskiej tradycji były elementy habitu i herbu zakonnego, ikonografia, przybieranie imion zakonnych, piśmiennictwo oraz liturgia.
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Chociaż chrześcijaństwo nie jest „religią księgi” w potocznym rozumieniu tego określenia, to jednak księga Pisma Świętego stanowi jej oparcie, program i kryterium weryfikujące. Dlatego też w ciągu wieków zawsze starannie dbano o to, by tekst biblijny był odpowiednio przechowywany i przekazywany. W tym artykule zwracamy uwagę na to, w jaki sposób poszukiwano optymalnego tekstu Biblii na uniwersytecie w Paryżu w XIII wieku. Powstanie uniwersytetów i nadanie naukowego charakteru teologii sprawiło, że powstał problem przygotowania odpowiedniego tekstu biblijnego, jednakowego dla wszystkich i łatwo dostępnego. Potrzeba akademicka szybko wpłynęła więc na popularyzację tekstu biblijnego oraz na potrzebę jego skorygowania. Proces opracowania nie był łatwy, ale mimo powstających trudności dość szybko z nim się uporano. Wypracowano tekst, który w końcu zarówno zadowalał uczonych, jak i spełniał kryteria tradycji eklezjalnej. Przy okazji pojawiło się wiele ważnych refleksji teoretycznych, które wpłynęły na pogłębione rozumienie natury tekstu biblijnego oraz na sposoby jego interpretacji. Z tych doświadczeń korzystano w kolejnych wiekach, a wiele wniosków, które wyprowadzono w XIII wieku, zachowuje swoją aktualność do dnia dzisiejszego. Although Christianity is not “a religion of the book” in the common understanding of this expression, however the Bible constitutes its support, programme and verifying criterion. That is why over the centuries the text of the Bible was always scrupulously enshrined and transferred. This article focuses on the subject of how the optimal text of the Bible was searched for at the University of Paris in 13th century. The advent of universities and a new character of theology as a scientific study created a need for a proper text of the Bible, the same for everyone and easily available. Thus the academic necessity rapidly increased the popularity of the biblical text but also prompted the need of its correction. The study was a difficult task, but the problems were soon overcome. The final version of the text satisfied the scholars and met the criteria of the ecclesiastical tradition. Concurrently a lot of significant theoretical reflections emerged which affected the profound understanding of the nature of the biblical text and the ways of its interpretation. These achievements appeared to be valuable in centuries to come and the numerous conclusions drawn in 13th century remain relevant even today.
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Old Russian settlers brought new ideology on the territory of the Kama River Region – Slavic and Finnish paganism and Greek Christianity, as it is usually said about the finds of religious pendants, signs of temples, peculiarities of burials. Inculcation of Christianity had taken place during 3 main periods.First period (10th – 13th centuries) is acquaintance (passive). In many respects it is characterized by accidental and elementary emergence of Christian attributes in the Kama Region. A part of these things were found in composition of necklaces in Finn-Perm burial places, possibly playing role of pendants, which were endowed with some sacred functions. Other things were worn with other pendants, but were considered Christian. They were found with their bearers.Second period (13th – 16th centuries) is an active stage. It coincides with Old Russian population of Kama basin and bringing real Christianity among the local population, but with preservation of religious syncretism. It is characterized by decoration of Christian advents on territory of Volga’s Bulgaria, Vyatka territory and the Great Perm. It is connected to a marked degree with missionary activity of first priests of this land including Stephan of Perm and Trifon Vyatskiy. This period is documented by findings of numerous Christian worship items. Christian funeral ceremony, which preserved separate pagan relicts, was confirmed.Third period (17th – 19th centuries) is state one (massive). It is conditioned by processes of inner colonization of the Kama Region. This period was accompanied by different forms of Christianization of indigenous pagan inhabitants assisted by the state. It is characterized by active construction of churches and cloisters, inculcation of Christian morale, spirituality and culture in non-Russian society. Ritualism of Christian advents finally fixed and unified in this period. It was reflected also in archeological sources. Archaic elements remained in old-ceremony society. These elements also had influence on foreign material and spiritual culture.
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The article presents archaeological research of trench VII on the area of 122.5 square meters within the boundaries of the Bolshoy Uspensky Monastery in Tikhvin. Disclosed were undisturbed cultural layers, the earliest of which date back to existence of Pretchistensky churchyard. The researchers examined graves of the monastic cemetery (65 graves dated by 18th—19th cc.) in the western part of the trench and defined its eastern border. In the central part of the trench, a fragment of the foundation of the western wall of the Zhitennye cells (barn cells) (this part of the building was disassembled) and foundation trench for the eastern wall of the cells were examined.As a result, we have identified main stages in development of the site, which are confirmed by written sources. First stage (12th—14th centuries) — primary population of this territory; second stage (15th — middle of 16th century) — the settlement prior to construction of the monastery; third stage (second half of 16th — 17th century) — reclaiming of territory by the monastery, construction of the wooden Zhitennye (“barn”) monastic cells; fourth stage (turn of 17th/18th — early 19th century) — stone construction, functioning of the monastic cemetery; fifth stage (middle — second half of the 20th century) — “civil” use of the monastery’s territory. Collection of ceramic material and individual findings can quite accurately date the stratigraphy.
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The article focuses on the semi-autonomous possessions in the north-western Bulgarian lands between the end of the XII and the beginning of the XIV century. The main accent is placed on Vidin region. The political model formed there at the end of the XIII and the beginning of the XIV century was mentioned as the basic prerequisite for the future development of the area in the middle and the second half of the XIV century.
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The main goal of this paper is to describe in detail a manuscript № 121 from the library of Zograf monastery. It is composed of two major parts – 1) Miracles of Virgin Mary and 2) Visions of Grigorij. The text is written by Father Ieromonah Joseph. Preliminary description of the manuscript № 121 is given in the „Catalog of Slavonic Manuscripts in the Library of the Zograf Monastery in Mount Athos“ by B. Raykov, St. Kozhuharov, H, Miklas and Hr. Kodov. The present description of the manuscript follows the methodology described in Project „Zograf Digital Archive in Sofia University „St. Kliment Ohridski“, whose member the author has the honor to be.
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The article is dedicated on the concept soldier. The topic shall be ana¬lyzed according to the main ethnolinguistic principle, examining the word as a mental sign. The collected linguistic material is taken from the Dic¬tionary of the Old Bulgarian language (http://histdict.uni-sofia.bg/oldb-gdict/oldbg_search/) and Archive for Bulgarian Dialect Dictionary. The object is the words represented the concept soldier in the Old Bulgarian and Contemporary Bulgarian Language. The subject is the semantic and the lexicosemantic fields of the words represented the concept soldier. The article reveals the difference between two types of armed persons. The first one (войник) is obliged to serve into the army, the second one (войн) accepts the military duty as a destiny and way of life.
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The ancient village Dospey, near Samokov, has a legend that before Bulgaria fell under the Ottoman rule, the local people “collected every¬thing from the other nearby churches and covered it completely with earth.” Another legend claims that manuscripts handwritten by Patriarch Euthymius, which were sent from Tarnovo to the Rila Monastery but never arrived at their final destination, are inside some of the buried sacred church vessels. The mound, which allegedly contains the hidden sacred vessels, exists to this very day. The author of this book strongly believes that it should be explored and urges the archeologists to conduct the needed research.
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The existence of a residence of the metropolitans of Gniezno in Cracow had been confirmed from the fourteenth till the end of the eighteenth century. Its beginnings, attested by documentary evidence, reach back to the foundation of Archbishop Jarosław Bogoria Skotnicki (1342-1374) who erected a stonework mansion located extrawaros, probably to the south of Wawel Hill. The building, neglected in the following century, was eventually pulled down in 1498. In the fifteenth century, a new residence was constructed. It was located immediately outside the city walls, in front of Brama Poboczna [Lateral Gate], next to Wawels north slope, on the grounds acquired by Archbishop Mikołaj Kurowski (1402-1411) that had been in the possession of the Gniezno archbishops until 1523. According to a description from the beginning of the sixteenth century, there existed an extensive residential complex made up of episcopal offices, a few buildings which housed the living quarters and some utility buildings in a garden.Since the late Middle Ages until 1621, the archbishops of Gniezno had also owned a plot of land located intra warns, i.e. within the city walls, in Grodzka Street, to the south ofSt Martins church. There stood a stonework mansion, mentioned in documentary sources as curia arcfiicpiscopaiis, whose appearance, however, is unknown. In the sixteenth century the buildings that stood there were used by the canons of Gniezno during their stay inCracow. Archbishop fan Łaski (1510-1531), who in 1529 acquired a conveniently located plot of land on the corner of Grodzka Street in the neighbourhood of St Giles church, moved the residence to a different location. The new grounds were situated opposite the former plot owned by the archbishops, at the foot of Wawel Hill and the royal castle (adradices arczs), close to its north-east corner which housed the kings apartments. It was there that - apart from a brief interlude when the archbishops lodged in Kanonicza Street - since the mid-sixteenth century for the following 250 years the last residence of the Primates of Poland in Cracows history had been located.The architectural forms of the building were irretrievably lost in the course of radical transformations the residence underwent at the beginning of the nineteenth century(it was dismantled down to the foundations, and replaced with a new construction that has survived to this day). Therefore it has remained virtually unknown because of the scarcity of iconographic evidence and insufficiently researched documentary sources from the period before the end of the eighteenth century. An interpretation of the newly discovered inventories from the years 1673,1767 and 1777, which contain the only known descriptions of the residence from the times when the Primates stayed in it, combined with an analysis of earlier source materials, has helped to recreate the architectural transformations of the building and precisely reconstruct its spatial and functional disposition, as well as to establish the dating and attribute its construction to particular founders.A particularly valuable source, which complements the inventories, is a survey of 1798, used as a basis for the reconstruction of the plan of the residence in the last phase before it was dismantled.The early modern forms of the residence (which since the second half of the seventeenth century had been known as a 'mansion) were shaped as a result of adaptation and extension of a house, formerly owned by a knightly family and later by the CracowChapter, which occupied the southern part of the plot acquired by the archbishops in 1529, facing the castle. The forms of the residence that had survived until 1670 arose mainly in the course of construction works undertaken by the Primates: Piotr Gamrat (1541-1545)and Wawrzyniec Gembicki (1615-1624). According to an inventory of 1673, the residence consisted of three one-storey buildings surrounding an internal courtyard: two stone workhouses (of medieval and sixteenth-century origins) joined on the corner, forming the south and west wings, and a wooden building on the east (erected in the mid-seventeenth century) which housed the main gateway opening to Grodzka Street. Between 1672 and1676 the complex was substantially remodelled in the course of a building campaign initiated by Primate Mikołaj Prażmowski (1666-1673) and completed by Andrzej Olszowski(1674-1677). The construction works, which cost 24 thousand zloty, were overseen by the Cracow city councillor Jan Pernus. The resulting complex consisted of a two-storey palace building made up of two wings meeting at the right angle with matching external elevations, but differing in plan and the spatial disposal of interiors. The third part of the complex - a one-storey wing facing Grodzka Street - was erected in 1765 by Archbishop Władysław Łubieński (1759-1767) and was the last element in this additive construction process. In the functional hierarchy of the residence it held the lowest rank, being merely a kind of outbuilding that housed the main gateway. The longest, one-aisle south wing played an important part in the communication system of the palace: it housed another gate and the stately main staircase leading from the courtyard up to the rooms on pńmonoMc. The largest, two-aisle west wing had the function of an actual corps de fog is -the main part of the palace - being at the same time its predominant element as far as its architecture and functions were concerned. It was on its upper storey that the apartment of the Primate (consisting of antechamber, bedroom and wardrobe) was located, together with a large reception hall (measuring 12 by 15 m) overlooking Wawel where Primate Olszowski hung a portrait gallery of his antecedent archbishops, including his own likeness provided with a following inscription: Andreas Olszowski, Sfernmate Prnsszns cam ^ascdn'sioannis iff. Coronator. Both the location and decoration of the stately hall in the residence of Polish Primates in the capital city of Cracow should be understood as the key elements of the iconographic programme of the palace: a seat of the interrex and at the same time primate-archbishop who crowned.
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Na odabir termina paratekst, kojim je moguće definirati specijalne žanrove u srednjovjekovnoj književnosti, filolozi su potaknuti definicijama i interpretacijama iz teorije književne kritike do kojih je došao Gérard Genette. Paratekstualnost je odnos između teksta i njegovog parateksta, koji okružuje glavni tekst, kao što su naslovi poglavlja, predgovor, uvod, pogovor, sažetak, napomene, ilustracije, sve što je pored teksta, s osnovnom svrhom da poboljša i prilagodi njegovu recepciju. U srednjovjekovnoj su rukopisnoj tradiciji naslovi poglavlja ili glave (capita), koje nose glavno (kapitalno) značenje sadržaja pripovijesti, potom popratni tekstovi u rukopisnoj tradiciji četveroevanđelja poznatoj kao sinopsis i hipotezis tipično paratekstualne prirode, a takvim se može smatrati i aparat koji je specijalno osmišljen za sinoptičko čitanje teksta četiriju evanđelja, naime Euzebijevi kanoni na hotizontalnim marginama. U Mletačkom i Hvalovom zborniku ta se pravila nalaze na istaknutom mjestu, na početku knjige a popraćena su tradicionalnim tekstom, Euzebijevom poslanicom Ciprijanu, u kojoj je objašnjena njihova svrhovitost. Riječ je o podjeli teksta četveroevanđelja na takav način koji omogućava usporedbu odlomaka u kojima su “evanđelisti jedno rekli.” Osim svih tih formalno uočljivih uputa redaktora oko, ispred, iza i iznad samoga glavnog teksta, kao paratekst se tumače načelno i svi parabiblijski tesktovi, koji se u odnosu na kanonski tekst mogu smatrati periferijskim tekstovima. Tekstovi ove vrste širili su se uglavnom sekularnim putevima i sačuvani su u zbornicima apokrifne literature. Nešto su rjeđi slučajevi kada oni ulaze u sastav kodeksa s primarno kanonskim sadržajem. Većina ih je prevedena u Preslavu u razdoblju od kraja 9. i početka 10. stoljeća. Obilježeni su intertekstualnošću, koja uključuje citiranje, reminiscencije i aluzije na kanonski tekst. Priređivači tih tekstova uživali su veću slobodu pri prepisivanju nego što je to slučaj s prepisivanjem kanonskih tekstova. Dijalektalne odlike lakše su prolazile u te tekstove, pa oni imaju poseban značaj i sa stanovišta historije jezika.
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The period of XIV and XV century is one of the most important for Balkan history. The Ottoman invasions of the Balkans predetermine the destiny of Bulgarians, Ottomans, Greeks, Serbs and a number of other nations, because Ottoman hegemony significantly alters the ethnic, religious and geopolitical outlook of Southeast Europe. One of the most memorable personalities of this period is the Byzantine Em¬peror Manuel II Paleologus (1391 – 1425), who in order to save his decaying state made a desperate move - on December 10, 1399, he sailed from Constantinople, aboard several Venetian galleys, to seek personal help from the rulers of the West. This adventure is one of the most romantic parts of Byzantium’s past, and to this day it is of great interest to historians. In this article we will explore some of the key points in this journey.
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Today, Bulgaria is both a political and a cultural member of Europe, while Korea forms a common areal with its neighbours, China and Japan. Throughout the centuries, however, both countries, located geographically on the road of intensive commercial and cultural exchange, experienced the impact of nomad peoples, like the Mongols and the Turks. This is why today we can find many similar elements in the culture of Korea and that of Bulgaria, which are the result of the centuries-long thread connecting Koreans, Mongols, Turks and Bulgarians. One of these elements worthy of academic research is the deified Heaven known as tengri, which most probably lies at the core of the names Tangra in Bulgaria and Tangun in Korea. The Korean Tangun is only mentioned once in the work of the Buddhist monk Iryeon from the 13th century as a celestial son, founder of the first Korean kingdom – Ancient Joseon. The name Tangra was deciphered by some scholars in Bulgaria from a Turkish manuscript which did not survive to this day and a somewhat illegible writing on a stone pillar. Throughout the centuries, there have been no traces in either country of people worshipping Tangun or Tangra. There is no historical, archaeological or ritual evidence supporting the existence of a religious cult of the two deities. However, in modern times, in both Korea and Bulgaria, Tangun and Tangra have been brought to public attention as the symbols of an ancient proto-Korean and proto-Bulgarian religion, respectively. For patriotic reasons, the two peoples have brought Tangun and Tangra to the foreground in opposition to the official religion. The aim is to derive a monotheistic religion from one main proto-deity to equate (and why not to precede) the official religions (Christianity in Bulgaria, and Confucianism and Buddhism in Korea). This study investigates the construction of the image of Tangun as a supreme national symbol in Korea and draws a parallel with Bulgarian Tangrism. It focuses on the transformation of the image of Tangun in Korea from a deified mythological hero into a historical figure, through a large-scale, well-coordinated and well-funded state policy. While the cult of Tangra in Bulgaria is a source of national pride for some Bulgarians, it has not received the strong state support the cult of Tangun in Korea has.
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The paper presents the results of the visual clay and glaze analysis carried out on restored stove tiles and pieces safe-kept at the Museum of Moslavina in Kutina; these results indicate that for the making of all the analysed stove tiles, which were synchronously made, the same casts and two types of clay were used. The stove tiles of Garić grad are divided into twenty various types and compared with analogue finds of stove tiles originating from the area divided into the so-called western and eastern region of the stove-making production. Stove tiles with full decorative front plates have relief ornaments – presentations as found in bestiaries, mediaeval literary descriptions of monsters and animals. When comparing the illuminations in the subject manuscripts with the presentations on stove tiles, all the motives used and their symbolics may be unmistakably recognised. Further, when considering the motives on the front plates and comparing them with analogue material, the influence of the stove-making products from workshops dating from the era of Sigismund of Luxemburg (the first half of the 15th ct.) may be recognised.
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The monastery of St. Paul in Garić is one of the oldest Paulist monasteries in Croatia. It seems credible that the lord of Garić-grad, Henrik of Hungary (where the order was founded in 1215), invited the hermits there. Upon arrival to Moslavina, the hermits found peace and quiet they needed for prayer and contemplation. After having studied the documents, the author came to the conclusion that hermits came to Garić either at the same time when the Paulists came to Dubica (in 1244) or earlier, since – according to the documents available – the Paulists of Garić had already had a domicile in 1256, and a while later, they began building the monastery and the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary. They extended and added on them in the early 15th century, and thus created a complex that comprised all they needed for everyday life; thanks to the local aristocracy, they became rich landowners and, consequently, economically independent. The monastery in Garić was the locus credibilis – the place of credibility, in which local aristocracy used to keep their important documents and valuables. The church of the Blessed Virgin Mary was a well-known place of pilgrimage. 588 documents (deeds of gift, testaments, etc.) witness to the greatness and the importance of this mediaeval monastery. The last document from the monastery in Garić dates from 1520. As the danger approached, the Paulists moved their archives and valuables to Remete and Lepoglava; around 1543, together with the people, they fled from the Turkish army and the Armatoloi in search of a safer place. After the fall of Garić-grad (in 1544) and Moslavina (in 1545), neither the Paulists nor the people survived there. After Moslavina was freed in 1591, the Paulists of Garić endeavoured to revive the life in their monastery; however, they did not succeed.
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Documentary compilation review
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