![Księga proskrybowanych Nowego Miasta Torunia (1358–1412), wyd. Bożena Wyrozumska (Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu, Fontes 107), Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu, Toruń 2013](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2016_38653.jpeg)
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In the late medieval Monastic State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia dieners were people who came from knightly families (not infrequently from beyond the territory of Prussia) and were maintained by Teutonic dignitaries and officials (they were provided with accommodation, food, clothes and pay) in exchange for the diplomatic, military-knightly and courtly service (the participation in military actions, the manning of castles, transporting information, the defence of envoys and guests, the examination of the territory occupied by the enemy, the participation in corteges, etc.). In the first half of the 15th century (the available data refers only to this period of time), every high Teutonic official, commander and Vogt had even a few dozens of dieners at their disposal, except extraordinary situations such as the manning of frontier castles in Klaipėda and Dybów. In the whole territory of the Teutonic State in Prussia there might have been about 450–500 dieners at that time. The source analysis conducted here which concerned the castles in Malbork, Świecie, Elbląg and Brandenburg allow us to state that dieners were provided with the accommodation in the buildings situated in the outer wards of the castles. They were given rooms (chambers) exclusively for their use or individual rooms in infirmaries of dieners/servants. As may be inferred from the relatively numerous sources in the Malbork castle they were accommodated on the ground floor in the southern part of the eastern wing of the first internal ward, in the infirmaries next to the Church of St. Lawrence (the southern wing of the first internal ward). In Konigsberg the solution was quite exceptional. Dieners residing there were allowed to have their residential space within the outer wards of the castle (which cannot be proved), but the infirmary where they resided was situated in the territory of the so called wolnizna [Burgfreihei], in the north of the north-east part of the outer ward.
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The aim of the article is to present trade contacts between Prussia and Hungary from the end of the 13th century to the mid-15th century. The problem has hitherto remained beyond the interest of researchers dealing with trade relations. On the basis of the Hanseatic, Polish and Hungarian sources the author analyses the structure of goods being traded, participants of the trade and trade routes. The author points out the connection between the development of trade contacts with political relations in East Central Europe. After the death of King Louis I of Hungary (1382) the trade conducted between Hungary and Prussia, which went through the Polish territories, became heavily dependent on the balance of power between the Teutonic Order, the Kingdom of Poland and the Kingdom of Hungary. The author underlines that the range of goods which were the subject of the trade started to grow at the end of the 13th century. Apart from metals (copper, iron, silver) Hungarian merchants sold to Prussian merchants wax, furs, wine, cheap cloth and southern products such as fruit, spice and condiments. In the 15th century Melnaterite (Kupferwasser), the mineral used in dyeing, was exported from Upper Hungary to the Baltic zone. Merchants from Prussian towns exported to Hungary goods imported from West Europe, mainly cloth. Until the mid-15th century the main role in Prussian trade with Hungary was played by merchants from Toruń, while in the second half of the 15th century their place was taken over by merchants from Gdańsk.
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The marriage of Duke Vytautas the Great’s daughter Sophia to the Grand Duke of Moscow Vasily in 1391 was a momentous event that impinged on the course of history. Although the circumstances in which this marriage was concluded address extremely important historical issues, such as relations between Lithuania and Moscow, Vytautas’ biography, and the politics of the Grand Duchy of Moscow towards the end of the fourteenth century, historiography has not recorded many attempts to study them. This is probably due to the rather vague primary sources which are dominated by the accounts contained in the chronicles. The author of the article makes an effort to analyse them, which, combined with other evidence, as well as a review of the political situation at the time, led him to believe that it was the Moscow side that initiated the talks on the marriage of Sophia and Vasily. The Grand Duke of Moscow, Dmitry of the Don, had been looking for the possibility of a dynastic rapprochement with the ruling circles of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania for a long time. The conclusion of the Polish-Lithuanian agreement in Krevo (1385), uncertain situation in the Golden Horde and the desire to strengthen the position of his son were the reasons that could force the Moscow ruler to act more decisively in this field. Therefore, having left Tartar captivity at the end of 1385, Vasily son of Dmitri of the Don, went west, where he took the opportunity of meeting Vytautas to start first talks. The negotiations were interrupted due to a rather weak political position of Vytautas before 1389. They were resumed when it turned out that Władysław Jagiełło, after taking the throne in Kraków, did not intend to forgo his active policy in Eastern Europe. Therefore, when Vytautas fought together with the Teutonic Knights to seize power in Lithuania, Moscow decided to support his efforts. In this way, the duke, with his allies in the Teutonic Order and strong ties with Moscow, became a dangerous rival for Władysław Jagiełło. Such a turn of events could have influenced the Polish king’s decision to reconcile with his cousin yet again.
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The article is dedicated to the conflict of the Duke of Pomerania, Bogislaw IV with the Knights Templar, which broke out in 1283 and lasted at least until the autumn of 1291. The aim of the paper is to demonstrate the causes of this feud, its details, as well as the effects of individual decisions and actions taken by its participants. The article is an outcome of research, the significant part of which was the analysis of normative sources, including documents issued by Pomeranian dukes, the Knights Templar, bishops of Lebus and Kamień, as well as Brandenburg Margraves from the House of Ascania. It should be emphasised that the analysis of the papal bull issued by Nicholas IV in 1291 was crucial for preparing the article. As a result of the research, it was established that Bogislaw IV had good relations with the Knights Templar at least until July 1281. They deteriorated in 1282 as the Templars became closer to the Brandenburg Margraves, who competed with the duke for influence in the region. During the war of 1283–1284 between the Margraves and the coalition of rulers and towns of North Germany and Pomerania, the Knights Templar supported the House of Ascania. This led to an outbreak of a long-standing conflict between the Order and Bogislaw IV, who raided the Templars’ commandery in Rurka twice, probably in 1284 and 1289. The second attack resulted in a complicated and turbulent trial that was instigated by a complaint that the Knights Templar from the German-Slavic Province submitted to Pope Nicholas IV. It was not possible to determine when exactly this conflict ended and what its consequences were.
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This article investigates the case of four Lithuanian-Ruthenian dukes vouching for Duke Żedywid before the Polish King Władysław II Jagiełło. The original Ruthenian document does not include a date nor does it contain any information about the circumstances in which the surety (poręczenie) was issued. There have been attempts to solve this riddle in the historical literature, with reference to information about Żedywid contained in primary sources, biographies and genealogies of the vouching dukes, and the political history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the late fourteenth century. However, the majority of conclusions that have been drawn so far are based on misreadings of the text of the surety. The identification of the scribe who prepared the document has made it possible to determine its chronological framework, and information about the vouching dukes and King Władysław’s itinerary indicates that it was written between August 1392 and October 1393, most likely in Kraków. An attempt to put the surety into a broader political context requires us to take into account its possible connection with the actions undertaken by Vytautas aimed at extending and strengthening his power in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania after the Ostrów Agreement of 1392. This connection, however, remains only in the sphere of hypothesis. The exceptionally short diplomatic form of the document and lack of detailed information about these events and Żedywid himself in contemporary sources indicate that Żedywid’s actions did not pose any serious threat to Jagiełło.
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This article is devoted to the problem of the influence of ideological attitudes on the iconographic programs of the medieval Macedonian monuments at the end of the 13th – the first quarter of the 14th century. This period is associated with the reign of the Serbian king Milutin (1282–1321), who conquered a number of Macedonian territories from Byzantium and married the daughter of the Byzantine emperor Andronicus II Palaeologus (1282–1328). Close kinship with the imperial family and Milutin’s active policy towards Byzantium become the key factors for the reorientation of Serbian ideology from a national platform to an imperial one. The process of «byzantinization» affects all the areas of the life of the Serbian kingdom, including art. Establishing his presence in Macedonia, Milutin, with the help of the Greek masters, actively builds and restores churches, rebuilds the Greek buildings and invites the Greek artists, Michael and Eutychios, belonging to the progressive artistic movement to paint churches. Thus, the architectural and pictorial ensembles of this time arise within the framework of the Byzantine artistic tradition and correspond to the main currents of the Byzantine art. Fresco paintings are created in accordance with the stylistic principles of the advanced trends of the Paleologian Renaissance and are replete with fresh iconographic solutions, new semantic accents and compositions. Good preservation of the most of Milutin’s monuments ensured close attention of the researchers. However, with a thorough study of the Byzantine traditions in the Serbian cultural paradigm, the fact of embedding national specifics into the Byzantine imperial theme remained unnoticed, as evidenced by a number of the iconographic features of the monumental paintings considered in this article.
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On July 31st 1208, the last great military confrontation between the Vlaho-Bulgarian Kingdom and the Latin Empire of Constantinople took place at Philippopolis. On open field, the striking force of the heavy western cavalry proved to be superior to the maneuvering capacity of the light Vlaho-Bulgarian-Cuman cavalry. As a result, even though in terms of numbers it was inferior, the Latin army obtained the victory. The Vlaho-Bulgarian-Cuman forces commanded by King Boril Asan were defeated by the Latin ones that were led by Emperor Henry I of Hainaut. In terms of territory, the Latin victory preserved the status-quo. However, the Vlaho-Bulgarian Kingdom maintained the military initiative in their relations with the Latins.
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The name Stanislaus (or its diminutive form) appears in Cracow burghers’ families in which names that sounded German, Polish or Ruthenian were recorded. We come across the name Stanislaus in the families of mayors of villages, aldermen, scribes, merchants, butchers, blacksmiths, maltsters and shoemakers. It can be inferred that the appearance of this name was widespread and encompassed all groups of burghers, which may be regarded as indirect proof of the popularity of the worship of St. Stanislaus.
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The first part of this paper is dedicated to the most important biographical information about Andalusian commentator of Qur'an, Džuzejj Ibn al-Garnati (d. 741/1340) where are mentioned his most famous teachers, his brilliant scientific and teaching career, the most famous of his disciples and the titles of his works written in many Islamic scientific disciplines. The second part deals with Ibn Džuzejj‟s commentary of the Qur'an, Kitabu t-Teshil li 'ulumi t-tenzil – last comments of Qur'an written in medieval Muslim Spain – in which multiple sources of this tafsir are detected, and his methodology dissected with an emphasis on methodological innovations which this tafsir offers. The author of this paper comes to the conclusion that Ibn Džuzejj in his Teshilu applies the oldest, safest and the most praised method of interpreting the Book of Allah – a combination of tradition (nakl) and reason ('aql), i.e. traditional-rational method. At the end of the article the author points out the importance and significance of this tafsir in scientific and practical terms.
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In the year 2003., during archeological excavations in Lištani near Livno, Herzeg- Bosnia, in entity of Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Bosnia and Herzegovina it was found the grave of a man-husband and his wife, bearing the Cyrillic inscription † Се лежитъ п(о)пъ Тѣходрагъ. А ıε имѣлъ θ съınoвъ, тере срѣдъ ıεдиnѣмъ годѣ стръ ıε, which by the shape of letters in it can be dated roughly in XIV c. Croatian scientists, headed by the chief archeologist of the excavations, during which the inscription was found, are confident that in that Cyrillic grave inscription some alleged elements of the script has been taken over from (supposedly Catholic and automaticaly Croatian) Latin script and (supposedly absolutely just Croatian) Glagolitic script and shaped the conclusion thus that one who’s laying in the grave under that inscription was – according to the alleged elements of the script taken over from the Latin script – a Catholic and automaticaly Croat, and – according to alleged elements of the script taken over from the Glagolitic script – absolutely just Croat and, predictably, Catholic Glagolitic priest. They also imagined that the inscription mentioned had been written in some so called “Croatian Cyrillic script”, which supposedly was used by Catholic Glagolitic priests- Croats in Livno (and broader, in Bosnia and Herzegovina), as well in Dalmatia, in the plane of everyday life, while in mass and on prayers Glagolitic script was used, adding that Тѣhodragъ, as “Catholic Glagolitic priest” shouldn’t have had a wife and children аccording to the cannon law, but he nevertheless had them. Finaly, they imagined that the inscription mentioned had been written in, predictably, Croatian redaction of Old church Slavonic/ Croatian Slavonic (litterary) language. On the mish-mash given, evidently just in function of ethnical and linguistic engineering it’s been answered by scientific counterarguments that: 1) elements of the script taken over from Latin and Glagolitic scripts were miscalculated observations, 2) until „All-Croatian Catholic congress” („Svehrvatski katolički kongres”) in the year 1900. there hadn’t been no absolute equality (of ideas) Catholic = Croatian, ie. Catholic = Croat, 3) round Glagolitic script was the oldest, All-Slavic script (older than Cyrillic script), being in use all around the Slavic world, mostly in (Vardarian) Macedonia/„ south Old Serbia” (thus, it should be called Serbian), 4) angleshaped Glagolitic script had been used by Tschakavian speaking („genuine”) Croats (and Catholics) as Croatian national script (thus it’s called Croatian), but also out of Croatia, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by Serbs of Catholic, Orthodox and heretical krstjani’s faith, 5) some so called “Croatian Cyrillic script” of their’s had been called (1582., 1611.) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well in Dalmatia, Serbian script or Serbian/ Illyricscript, and in nearby Dubrovnik it had been also called (1511–1618.) Serbian script or Serbian, ie. Illyric script, 6) the Тѣhodrag’s so called non-cannonical wife had been buried afterwards in the same grave with him in a cannonical rite, 7) during XIV c. (1378–1400.) all Bosnian kings and queens had been titulating themselves as kings/queens of Serbs in Bosnia, Pomorje, Zapadni krajevi/ Završje etc. (and Livno with its surrounding having been in Završje!), but only in XV c. they would be adding (previously conquered) Dalmatia on the list, thus with every mention they were the kings of Dalmatia adding the notion ie. Croats (because, in these times, Croats were en mass – just there in all the state of Bosnia), and instead of king of Dalmatia it had been found, once, king of Croats in Dalmatia and king of (territory of) Croats, 8) the charter of Bosnian ban Stipan/ Stepan/ Stefan Kotromanić from the year 1333., and edited in Srebrenik, clearly indicated that the ikavian sounding Old Serbian (speaking) language was the main language of communication of all the people in the state under the rule of the ban, Bosnia (to which Zapadni krajevi/ Završje were annexed in the years 1324–1326., and Livno with its surrounding having been in Završje!) in the manner that near its end it was written that the charter had been given in 4 copies, from which 2 copies срьпсциε „in Serbian language”, adding that it was done so том... сваки да... види истиn „with the aim... that everyone... could see the credibility of the ban’s words”. From all the things explained it has been given the conclusion that the above mentioned pappas Tihodrag had been Serb, Orthodox and Orthodox priest (almost surely under the Mileševa archiepiscopate), who spoke ikavian- sounding Old Serbian, and his grave inscription was one of the older Serbian Cyrillic inscriptions in Old Serbian (speaking) language.
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In the Museum of Serbian Orthodox Church in Belgrade is enshrined King Milutin’s burial shroud with Serbian Slavic inscription, written in Old Church Slavic orthography: †ПОМѦNHБЄ̃ДƔШѪРАБАСВОЄГоМHЛƔТHNАƔРЄШH, translated as: (In the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost) do not forget, oh God, this soul of Your servant Milutin Ureš! In this inscription can be perceived one personal name and one titular. In this way, because King Milutin did not use officially his personal name, but titular Stefan Uroš, it is about unofficial circles close to the King. In the inscription within King Milutin’s church endowment, Monastery Gračanica, we read: СТФNО ƔРЄШЬ КРλЬ, translated as: King Stefanos Ureš. In this inscription can be seen two titular names, i. e. one full titular name and in this way it is about official context. And inscription above King Milutin’s portret in King’s Church in Hilandar is: СТЄ́Фſ҃Ν̉Є̉ΝΧΩ̃ΤΟΘΩ̃ΠΙ҆ϛΟὖРЄСІСК, translated as: Stefan, in the Body of Christ the Lord, faithful master Uroš. This article scrutinizes the Serbian Slavic form Ѹрешь as Serbianised Byzantine Greek Οὔρεσις, which is their version of Serbian domestic name Ѹрошь, and Greecized script Стефанос Ѹрешь instead of Serbian Slavic Стефань Ѹрошь is just a part of King Milutin’s introduction of Byzantine customs and institutions in Serbia of the time. Name Ѹрешь is inflected by -i- steams, i. e. as feminine substantive кокошь and maybe name of pagan godess Мокошь, but it’s masculine as the substantive Господь (Genitive -и or -а, -ⱶа). It is about a scholarly adaptation in Serbian Slavic -i- steams because Byzantine Greek Οὔρεσις belongs to Greek -i- (-ι-) steams, in which – as far as I know – is one and only masculine personal name, same as in Serbian Slavic. Аnd sound -ш- in name Ѹрешь is obviously in accordance to Serbian Slavic equivalent Ѹрошь, so the conclusion is: the name Ѹрешь is made by (formational) adaptation of Byzantine Greek equivalent name Οὔρεσις in accordance to Serbian Ѹрошь.
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La question du temps et des voies de la formation et de l’évolution de la nationalité albanaise a fait l’objet de recherches à partir de domaines différents de la science albanistique. Les historiens ont dit, depuis longtemps, leur mot, en attribuant la formation de cette nationalité au haut moyen âge.
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Slovak historiography has since the 1960s generally dealt with the issue of settlement of towns and villages in the territory of Šariš. It relied on written material, which consisted mostly of documents from the 13th and 14th centuries. The basis for their interpretation was based on the results of archaeological research and, to a large extent, by the results of the work of linguists. The aim of this article is the interpretation of selected documents in terms of Hungarian customary law, which were recorded in writing during the 16th century. In particular, the documents concerning Chmeľov, which belong to the oldest documents with regard to the history of Šariš were chosen. The assumption is that the interpretation of documents written in the official language, could within a legal interpretation authenticate the available data. In terms of the content list, in this way they will certainly provide sufficient data to allow for a deeper understanding not only of the history of the village – in this case Chmeľov – but also to comprehend the historical context of the whole of Šariš.
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The paper presents an attempt to observe the negative perceptions of Serbian medieval writers about two Byzantine emperors. The first was Andronikos I (1183–1185), a representative of the Komnenos dynasty, while the second, Michael VIII (1259–1282), belonged to the Palaiologos family. Historical data on this topic are provided by the hagiographers of Saint Simeon (Domentianos and Stephen Nemanjić), Archbishop Daniel II, who wrote the Life of King Milutin, and the authors of two marginal records – Theodore the Grammatist and an anonymous writer. Stephen Nemanjić and Domentianos provide testimonies of the very negative notions towards Andronikos Komnenos that existed in the Serbian medieval milieu. The reason for their descriptions’ contentual and terminological similarities is based on the fact that these two sources are interdependent, i.e., that Domentianos incorporated a large part of the text from the Stephen’s work. It may be surmised that the transmitter of negative perceptions about this emperor in Serbian intellectual community was the monk Sabas Nemanjić, Stephen’s younger brother, who could have acquired them at the court of Alexios III Angelos during his trips to Constantinople. Negative perceptions of Michael VIII Palaiologos are connected with the interpretation of his actions after the signing of Union of the Churches at the Second Council of Lyon in 1274. At that time, the founder of the Palaiologos dynasty faced strong opposition from all strata of Byzantine society. The assumption is that in this case, too, the transmitters of ideas were the Athonite monks, with whom Serbian Archbishop Daniel II, the hagiographer of King Milutin, had close ties.
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During the Hundred Years’ War, the techniques of personal combat underwent a shift alongside available technology and with the changing social structure of Western Europe. The development of full “cap à pied” plate armour impacted the techniques needed to defeat a knight or man-at-arms. At the same time, the demand for fighting instruction grew beyond the aristocracy and resulted in the production of fechtbücher – fighting treatises, making the practice of combat arts available to the urban-dwelling bourgeois. Based on surviving examples of arms and armour, works of art, literature, the fighting treatises, and the author’s long experience in-harness, this paper examines the interaction of harness and the practice of personal combat loosely during the period of the Hundred Years’ War. It argues that while we find an initial and efficient arte, a principle-based approach to the military use of shock weapons recorded in the early treatises, over time we also see a change dividing of the combat art into the needs of war (emphasizing power and leverage) and the practice of personal violence off the battlefield, as in the duel and in street defense, where timing and distance were paramount characteristics.
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