Arcybiskupi gnieźnieńscy XIII i XIV wieku
Artykuł omawia dokonania arcybiskupów gnieźnieńskich w latach 1199 - 1382.//The article outlines the achievements of Gniezno archbishops in the years 1199–1382.
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Artykuł omawia dokonania arcybiskupów gnieźnieńskich w latach 1199 - 1382.//The article outlines the achievements of Gniezno archbishops in the years 1199–1382.
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Elaborated genealogy of the Pobóg family begins with brothers Mściwoj (a comes) and Gumbert (a clergyman) who lived in the first half of the 13th century. Te names of their ancestors have not been known. In this context, nobody paid attention to the forgery concerning the erection of the church in Kazimierza Mała. Tis document contains a number of names of the knights (the donors of the temple), who are considered to be historical figures living in the middle of the 13th century. Te false document enumerates their names, properties they came from and family affiliation. A closer look to the forged document enables to shif the chronology of these figures to the first half of the 13th century. As far as the witnesses enumerated in the false document are concerned, they were considered as the invention of the forger. However, the present article has shown that this view is too strong because in the forged document there are persons and names which are probable to appear in the first half of the 13th century. Due to that fact it is difficult to maintain a strong opinion of the forgery of the document. Te fact that the forged document contains also the names Mściwoj (of Jakuszowice, the son of Jan, Jastrzębiec coat of arms, a knight and a donor) and Gumbert (a clergyman, a witness) also encourages a deeper reflection. It is difficult to recognize it as a coincidence. Te first known members of the Pobóg family, living in the first half of the 13th century, bore the same names. Additionally, the members of this family (the descendants of comes Mściwoj) inherited in the vicinity (in Kazimierza Wielka, a village which borders Kazimierza Mała by the river Nidzica). Te forger’s information that Mściwoj’s coat of arms was Jastrzębiec does not pose an obstacle – it was only a supposition. The fact that the name Mściwoj (as well as the name Gumbert) did not occur at all in the Jasrzębiec family, but it was a family name of the Pobógs, and other premises testify against such family afliation. Te present article showed that Mściwoj and Gumbert could be sonsof any Jan and grandsons of Jakusz-Jakub (the name conserved in the name of the estate the knight Mściwoj came from).
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Using a series of historical and archaeological data, as well as an extensive bibliography, the author begins his study devoted to the investigation of the problem of Romanian agriculture during the 9th-14th centuries
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In 1543, when Petru Rareş built the citadel of Soroca stone, the fortification action of the country is practically finished. The citadels will continue to be used roughly in their former appearance until the seventeenth century when they were mostly destroyed, only a few continuing to last even after.
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W XIII wieku pojawił się w Europie nurt religijności prywatnej. W praktykowaniu wiary posługiwali się osobistymi obrazami dewocyjnymi, zarówno zakonnicy, jaki i ludzie świeccy. Nurt ten propagowali dominikanie i franciszkanie. Pobożnym rozważaniom i modlitwie wierni oddawali się według wskazówek zawartych w poradnikach religijnych, które przybliżały im świętych i Chrystusa – człowieka. Była to literatura naówczas popularna, dzięki czemu wątki te mogły dotrzeć do szerszych kręgów wiernych.
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From the beginnings the salt mines from Transylvania represented a very important revenue for the Kingdom. In the Arpadian age depositories were established where the salt was administrated by specialized officials (salinarii). Initially the Transylvanian mines were supervised by the voivode and the camerarii (kamaraispánok), with the support of the officials (offi cials of the king and of the camerarii). The first administrative reform took place in the 1350s, as the salt mines and the depositories have been reorganized under the jurisdiction of the comes camerarum salium, who was helped in his work by the vicecamerarii. A new reform took place at the beginning of Sigismund’s reign: he decided to establish new salt-chambers (camerae). This reform was necessary because before 1397 there were no chambers to the West of the river Tisza. As a result of this re-organization the salt could reach even the western parts of the country and the import of foreign salt was no more allowed.
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According to the scholarly literature, the Romanians from Transylvania, followers predominantly of the Orthodox rite, did not pay tithe to the Western Church in the 13th–14th centuries. However, it is considered that two groups of them – those living on church properties and those who had moved on settlements formerly inhabited by Catholics (terrae Christianorum) – were obliged to pay this tax starting from the 1400s. This study deals with the issue of the first group, analyzing the only source that would support the thesis in question, namely a partially dated letter of King Sigismund of Luxembourg (which in some editions was dated to 1398, in others to 1425 or 1426). Although the facts described in the document would correspond to realities from 1426, the contradictory date-formula, the confusing language, and the absence of the original (the earliest manuscripts of the text are from the 18th century) arouse suspicions. Even if we accept it as authentic, the phrase decima Volahorum cannot be interpreted as ordinary tithe, but only as a royal tax. Nor the late medieval registers of revenues of the Alba Iulia chapter, neither the urbaria of the estates of the Transylvanian bishopric support the thesis of the tithes paid by Romanians living on church properties.
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La seule mention de l'higoumène de Chilandar Kallinikos provient d'un prostagma grecque de Stefan Du{an pour le monastère de Saint-Jean-Prodrome sur le mont Ménécée près de Serrès. Ce document a longtemps été connu uniquement dans la forme fragmentaire alors que sa date de délivrance était fixée en 1345. L'édition récente d'un cartulaire du XIVe siècle du monastère de Menoikeon, jusqu'alors considéré comme définitivement perdu, permet d'élargir notre connaissance du prostagma de Du{an. Cet acte s'y révèle avoir été un document appartenant à l'époque impériale, avec pour datation janvier, première indiction - c.-à.-d. janvier 1348. Il a été délivré lors du séjour de la famille impériale serbe à l'Athos en 1347/1348 et porte injonction de l'empereur à l'higoumène Kallinikos de cesser d'importuner les moines du Prodrome à propos de leurs barques qu'ils possèdent au bassin près de leur métoque d'Esphagménou. Les nouvelles informations apportées sur l'higouménat de Kallinikos à Chilandar clarifient aussi la question de la chronologie des higoumènes du couvent serbe athonite vers la moitié du XIVe siècle, période assez perturbée lorsque, entre 1345- 1355, le monastère ne connaît pas moins de neuf supérieurs différents.
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From south-Dalmatian sources, primarily Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea, Chronicles of Dubrovnik and Kotor legend of St. Tripun, it is known that the emperor Samuel had attacked Dioclea, Dalmatian towns of Kotor, Ulcinj and Dubrovnik, and finally attacked Zadar, to return to Bulgaria through Bosnia and Rascia. According to the previous research this campaign was dated in 986, and later, in the latest research, more precisely in 998/999. Analyzing the chapter of the Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea, where the Hagiography of Diocleian ruler Vladimir has been preserved, it was concluded that this must had been undertaken couple of years before the death of emperor Samuel. Silence of Iohannes Diaconus, who in his Chronicle often wrote about Dalmatia, regarding Samuels campaign against Dalmatia and Zadar, presents clear sign that the campaign was undertaken after 1008, and the death of Iohanned Diaconus (who died in 1009). Another argument that Samuelís campaign was taken at the time when Dyrrachium was under the Byzantine rule and that was in 1005 according to Lupus Protospatarus, also points to the end of the first decade of the XI century as the time of the campaign. Political circumstances, which led to the campaign, were the following: the Venetians strengthened their positions in Dalmatia in 1000, and put on the throne the ruler of Croatia who was loyal to them. In the year of 1004/1005 the Venetian duke by the marital ties, secured the acknowledgement of his possessions in Dalmatia from Byzantium, which also considerably strengthened Byzantine position in the Adriatic. By the fall of Durrachium under the Byzantine rule in 1005, the Byzantines came in the direct contact with the princedom of Diocleia and thus made connection with their possessions in central Dalmatia. Thus, on the western borders of Samuelís state, there was a strong anti-bulgarian block formed by Venetians, Croatians, Diocleia under the direct control of Byzance. This forced Samuel to attack Diocleia, the towns of the thema of Dyrrachium, as well as Byzantine towns in central Dalmatia. Based on the data from the Hagiography of St Vladimir, preserved in the Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea, that ìafter some timeî Bulgarian emperor Samuel had died, the conclusion is that the campaign took place around 1009/1010.
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The bishop of the cathedral of Várad (Nagyvárad - Oradea), who kept the cult of St. Ladislaus alive, appealed to King Béla III so that he would initiate the canonization of the knight-king. The event finally took place in 1192, from the grace of Pope Clement III and Pope Celestine III. After his canonization, the cult of St. Ladislaus reached a national dimension: he was the pride of Hungary, which is attested not only by a multitude of hymns and artworks, but also the fact that the Esztergom list of religious holidays was completed with the holiday of the knight-king, in addition to the other five Hungarian saints.
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In the letter of Pope Clement VI, which is addressed to the Serbian ruler Stefan Dušan on January 7, 1346, the places from the interior of Serbia, where Roman-Catholic parishes were settled, were listed. The letter is significant for many reasons, among other things, because it bears testimony to the process of urbanization on the territory of medieval Serbia. Settlements mentioned in the letter were urban places proved by the existence of Roman-Catholic communities in them. These communities consisted of Saxons and Latins, i.e. the miners of German origin and tradesmen who arrived from Primorje (cities on the east coast of Adriatic Sea). The letter was written in Latin, with the names of places in the way the Pope and his secretariat interpreted them, due to which, as well as due to the lack of other historical sources, their identification was made difficult. Owing to the significance, the letter was noticed early on and was frequently quoted. Nevertheless, the identification of certain places has still remained the same. One of the places that many researchers disputed over, which even nowadays still raises doubts, is Ostacia, as it is written in the letter. An extraordinary expert in Serbian history and the initiator of historical-geographic researches, Konstantin Jireček, mentioned this place as the village Ostraċa, on the western slopes of Kopaonik. He confirmed his findings, among other things, in the Charter of the nun Jevgenija (princess Milica) and her sons Stefan and Vuk, which was willed in 1400 to the monastery of Saint Panteleimon on the Mount Athos; the Charter mentioned Ostraċa together with a well-known mine and a marketplace Koporiċe. Jireček did not change his opinion even after the publication of paper by Avram Popoviċ, who accepted the identification Ostraċa, but also said that there were no remains of mining activities in this village. Afterwards, most researchers accepted Jireček’s opinion. An important researcher of historical geography and mining economy in medieval Serbia, Mihailo Diniċ, on the grounds of the absence of mining activities in Ostraċa, as well as the toponymy and similarity of names, came to the conclusion that it was actually the place Ostatija in the spring area of the river Studenica on the mountain of Golija. Field research of the geologist Vasilije Simiċ confirmed Diniċ’s attitude. Nevertheless, Jireček’s opinion still prevails in the research studies. The main opinions are supported by arguments as to why Ostacia from the Pope’s letter should be identified with Ostatija. The paper also points out the reasons due to which identification with Ostraċa still persists in the literature.
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The document which makes the basis of the present article was issued in Grodno on August 14, 1358. The issuer was Kestutis, a Lithuanian duke, while the receiver was duke Siemovit III, who – as the Polish king Casimir the Great’s liege – ruled as the only duke in Mazovia. The document states that Kestutis made an agreement with Siemovit by virtue of which the border between the lands of Lithuania and Mazovia was established on the basis of what the representatives of both parties determined. In a 2000 edition of the document the publishers found the document forged. The examination of the original performed by experts in paleography showed that the document is authentic. The Kingdom of Poland concluded some kind of an agreement with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in 1356, the result of which was a longer period of peace between those countries. This helped regulate the controversial matters on the border between Mazovia (Wizna area and Goniądz district) and Lithuania (Grodno territory). That frontier territory was covered with woods, where permanent settlements were situated only on the outskirts, close to the rivers Narew and Biebrza from the side of Mazovia, and close to the river Niemen from the side of Lithuania. A lack of settlement was due to frequent invasions in the 14th century by Lithuanians and the Teutonic Knights, which order had their own state in Prussia. The Polish population, Mazovians, entered the woods from the west, while the Ruthenians approached from the east but before the border was established, the frontier was no man’s land in the political sense. The author of the present article does not agree with the thesis which predominated in the literature of the subject that until 1358 the Mazovian border with Lithuania had run about 12–15 km away from Grodno. Those were only the territorial claims of Mazovian dukes. The document emphasizes that both Lithuania and Mazovia recognized a need to determine the border and its course was established by their representatives (mediators), five from each side. The first map presents the whole border described in the document from 1358, while the second one shows the details of the final part of the border on the basis of the source from 1784. It is only the initial part between the rivers Ełk and Netta which did not come into life (in 1360 the Teutonic Knights occupied Rajgrod). The whole further section of the border proved to be the most lasting in that area. Since the end of the 14th century it was the inner border in Lithuania and when in 1569 the Sejm of the Lublin union joined Podlasie voivodeship to the Crown the 1358 border became established as a part of the Polish-Lithuanian border. It remained without any changes till the collapse of the Republic in 1795. This justifies the decision to use the method of retrogression to reconstruct the border. The section of the border seen in the second map was presented in the literature of the subject in a completely different way and this is the reason to show this map.
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This paper brings, for the first time, eleven fragments of the historical compendium Mare Historiarum by Giovanni Colonna, which interpret news about Bulgarian history according to digitised manuscripts from the National Library of France in Paris – Par. lat. 4914 (year 1381) and Par. lat. 4915 (years 1448–1449). Following a comparative method, the study describes the manner of work and indicates probable sources of Giovanni Colonna, some of which have remained unnoticed in the few hitherto publications about Mare Historiarum. Having analysed the relevant material, the author concludes that Giovanni Colonna significantly expanded his base of sources compared to his predecessors Sigebert of Gembloux and particularly Vincent of Beauvais, leaving thus a durable trace in historical work within the Dominican Order. Illustrative of the latter claim are the excerpts for Bulgarian history, cited in Summa Historialis by Antoninus Florentinus.
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From the second half of the 13th century, the Franciscan Order had played an important role in missionary activities in the Mongol Empire. The present paper investigates the Franciscans’ role based on a letter written in 1287 by a Franciscan friar from the Crimea (frater Ladizlaus custos de Gazma) in which he described the events of recent years. For example, he reported on the baptism of a certain “Yaylaq”, identified as a wife of Noghay, in the Crimea. In this paper, the historical background of this letter will be analysed with an emphasis on the relationship between the Franciscan order and the Golden Horde and the role of Yaylak Khatun’s conversion in this process.
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Podbój Konstantynopola przez wojska zachodnie w kwietniu 1204 r. przyspieszył terytorialną i polityczną dezintegrację Cesarstwa Bizantyńskiego, która swoim początkiem sięga ok. 20 lat wcześniej. W wyniku krucjaty Konstantynopol podzielono między łacińskiego cesarza i Wenecję. Trzy niezależne organizmy bizantyńskie, które powstały w Epirze, egejskiej Azji Mniejszej i na południowym wybrzeżu Morza Czarnego, zdołały odzyskać część podbitych terytoriów. Tak zwane Cesarstwo Nicejskie restytuowa- ło władzę bizantyńską nad Konstantynopolem w 1261 r. Pozostałe regiony niedawnego imperium zostały na zawsze stracone. Na początku XIII w. zachodni feudałowie podbili znaczną część Peloponezu. Do 1211 r. Wenecja okupowała już Kretę, dwa porty w południowo-zachodniej części Peloponezu: Modon i Koron oraz wprowadzała własną jurysdykcję w Euripos, głównym mieście Eubei, zwanym przez łacinników Negropontem.
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L’articolo é dedicato alla storia della festa della Visitazione della Beata Vergine Maria. All’inizio vengono presentate alcune ipotesi esistenti, riguardanti l’origine di questa festa. Dopo averne fatto una critica, sulla base degli studi e delle fonti, viene trattato il tema dell’istituzione della festa della Visitazione nella Chiesa dal papa Urbano VI nel 1389. Infine ne vengono presentate le difficoltà, con la spiegazione della scelta della data per la celebrazione della festa e il cambiamento della data dopo il Concilio Vaticano II.
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In the thirteenth century hierarchs of the church of the diocese of Silesia strove for church liberation from the sovereign power of the State, to obtain complete autonomous individuality, to subject the State and society to canonical rules and obligations arising from them, eg.: tithing. Gregorian reforms were implemented.In Silesia, the first church claim for tithe took place in the time of administration of Bishop Сургіаn, but there were many concessions and exemptions in paying. The successor to the bishop Sуrian, Bishop Lawrence came stricter to the issue of tithing - no concessions and no exemptions. This attitude of bishop to the tithes contributed to dissatisfaction by the Prince Непгу the Bearded. The conflict between two mens increased. Prince Неnrу the Bearded didn’t fulfil the terms of the Lateran Council concerning the tithe, which brought, that Bishop Lawrence complained to Pope Innocent III. Pope supported the claims of Bishop Lawrence. After death of Innocent III, the new Pope Honorius III supports the complaint of Prince Henry and to resolve the dispute, deputed the throughout Europe respected monk diplomat Konrad Krosigk, who tried to mitigate the conflict.It was only in 1227 a settlement agreement were signed, which was a compromise on both sides. The settlement allowed the development to colonize the areas of Silesia.
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