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The greatest authorities of the Reformation era were familiar with 40 writings in Latin written by Andreas Volanus, cursed by Rome son of Silesian and Polish noblemen.
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The greatest authorities of the Reformation era were familiar with 40 writings in Latin written by Andreas Volanus, cursed by Rome son of Silesian and Polish noblemen.
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Duke Stjepan Hercegovic Kosaca (1456? - 1517), the youngest and most certainly the most beloved son of Herzog Stjepan Vukcic Kosaca, although later becoming as Ahmed Pasha Hercegovic a distinguished and successful Ottoman administrator, minister, land and sea commander, a statesman and a poet, has remained a partially controversial figure in South Slavic, South European and Turkish historical reviews. Even today it is not easy to depict his way of life. Historians disagree on the origin and the name of his mother, his year of birth, his sending or departure to the court of the Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, clash with his half-brother, Duke Vlatko, succeeding or failing to take over the inheritance of his father Stjepan and his mother, Barbara, preserved in Dubrovnik, the names of his children, as well as some disputable places or duties from his forty-year Ottoman life path to his unreasoned death in 1517. In this article, the author puts more light into almost all controversial issues by using primarily, presently available, published and unpublished sources and bibliography in the archives and libraries of Dubrovnik, Venice, Milan, Florence, Rimini, Sarajevo and Istanbul. At the end of his paper, the author depicts Ahmed Pasha Hercegovic as the center of confronting spheres of the ruling global-Ottoman class with the perspectives and desires of the globally- losing and oppressed masses of South-European and Asian peoples, and recommends further study of the role, contribution and faults of Stjepan/Ahmed Hercegovic in the global historical and political context of his time.
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The Danube and Sava rivers formed the border between Serbia and Hungary until 1459, and, subsequently, between the Ottoman Empire and Hungary (1459-1526). As a result of the frequent wars and of the policy, pursued by both contesting states, of the colonization of proper territories and the depopulation of the enemy territories, the population in the frontier zone along both sides of the Danube and the Sava changed several times in the course of the latter half of the fifteenth century and the early decades of the sixteenth century. On the other hand, the geographical features of the Danube and Sava regions, consisting predominantly of flat, lowland or undulating terrain, the big rivers Danube and Sava and their numerous tributaries, as well as the network of important overland and river communications, offered favourable conditions for human life. The Serbian and Hungarian diplomatic records and the earliest Ottoman censuses make it possible for us to reconstruct the distribution of and the duration of habitation in the villages in the Danubian and Sava regions in Serbia (Macva, Kucevo, Branicevo) and in southern Hungary (Srem and southern Banat). The Ottoman censuses also provide information on the number of households in individual villages, which makes it possible to estimate the total number of inhabitants in a particular village or region. Thus it can be established that a number of villages in northern Serbia continued to exist after the Ottoman conquest in 1459 (68% of the villages in the Branicevo district). The density of population and the size of the villages varied from one area to another, and were determined, at least in the case of northern Serbia, by war operations rather than natural conditions. Generally speaking, small and medium-sized villages (6-20 and 20-40 households respectively) predominated. The area of Lucica was the only one in which as many as a fourth of the villages consisted of 40 to 60 households in 1476. The number of very small villages (1-5 households) varied, depending on the region, between 6.5% and 33%. There were only four villages with more than 100 households in the entire Serbian part of the Danubian region. In the Serbian stretch of the Sava region, the majority (65% - 75%, depending on the area) of the villages existing in 1528-1533 belonged to the category of small villages. The population density in the territory of southwestern Banat amounted to a mere 30% of the population density in Srem in the late Middle Ages. That was mainly due to the natural conditions, i.e. numerous marshes and a large expanse of sandy soil. Archaeological evidence shows that the inhabitants of the late mediaeval villages in the Serbian parts of the Danubian and Sava regions lived in partly sunken or above-ground dwellings made of wood or wattle and daub and covered with reeds.
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Istorija Zemuna i njegove okoline, u vremenu od pada pod osmansku vlast 1521. godine do kraja XVI veka, odnosno do Deugog rata (1593-1606), do sada nije bila predmet iscrpnijeg istrživanja. Izuzetak čini tursko osvajanje grada koje je, u okviru proučavanja istorije Beograda, dobro obrađeno u domaćoj literaturi.1 Jedan kraći rad o Zemunu u XVI i XVII veku verskim i trgovačkim objektima i broju, konfesionalnom sastavu i zanimawu stanovnika, objavila je Olga Zirojević. Njen članak, urađn na osnovu osmanskih katastarskih popisa i savremenih putopisa, kao i odgovarajuće literature, poslužio nam je kao polazna tačka za dalja istraživanja zemunske nahije. Temelj za bavljenje pomenutom temom postavio je Hazim [abanovi}, koji je objavio prve, najstarije popise Zemuna i okolnih sela, iz 1546. i 1566/7. godine.7 Brus Mekgouan je nešto kasnije objavio celokupan popis Sremskog sanxaka iz 1566/7. godine, odnosno popis Zemuna i zemunske nahije.8 Ostali sačuvani popisi ove oblasti, koja je posle 1521. godine došla pod upravu smederevskog sanxakbega9 , a od 1541-1543. godine se nalazila u sastavu novoosnovanog Sremskog sanxaka10, za sada još uvek nisu objavljeni. Potiču iz 1578/911, perioda posle 1588.12 i 1614. godine.
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U ovom radu pokušavamo ubicirati tačan položaj naselja pod nazivom Kičma u Nahiji Drametin, koje se pod raznim sličnim nazivima uporno pojavljuje u najranijim osmanskim izvorima XVI, XVII i XVIII stoljeća. Inače, ubikacija je određivanje tačnog geografskog i topografskog položaja nekog naselja koje se pojavljuje u historijskim dokumentima i njegova veza sa nekim od naselja koja i danas postoje.
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Evidence of mining activities in the North-East Serbia dates back to prehistoric times. However, only during the Ottoman Empire did this region become famous for its mines. The most important of them, the Kučajna gold and silver mine, was opened in 1552/3. A mint, bullet workshop and other ancillary facilities were built in its vicinity. As until recently the historiography offered little information about this mine, the construction of the nearby palanka has never been connected with it. The only information about the palanka of Kučajna referrs to the number of garrison troops in the period from 1560 to 1589. The palanka of Kučajna, referred to in the records under the Hungarian name of parkanj, was built on a hill above the mine in the same year when the mine was opened. Its main purpose was to store silver ingots, coins and bullets. There is no record of how the palanka originally looked and it is hard to tell whether its walls were built of stakes tied with withes, or it was surrounded by a double wall of logs filled with earth. Since it was protected by two cannon and depending on construction, small wooden towers or earthen bastions were erected probably at the two corners to the left and right of the main gate. Inside the palanka, there were several specially protected solid buildings. These were the treasury for storing precious metals and coins, bullet and food storage, and a prison, known as the Dizdar's Jail. It was both the military and civil prison of the kaza of Kučajna. The palanka had an Islamic place of worship, houses of dizdars and other members of the garrison, many shops and workshops. The material that palankas were made of required their almost complete reconstruction every 10 to 15 years. According to the information recorded in the accounting books of the mine, the first major reconstruction of the palanka of Kučajna was carried out in 1564/65. A new stage in the history of the fortress of Kučajna began in 1577, after its second reconstruction and building of a stone fortress (Tur. kale). The new fortress was incorporated into the old one making a single fortification called kale-i parkan-i Kuçayna in the records. The fortification remained the same until the Viennese War (1683-1699). After the Austrian capture of Belgrade in 1688, the fortress was taken over by hayduks without fighting. During the retreat in 1690, they destroyed and torched the town and the mine and presumably the wooden part of the fortification, since it was not mentioned in the record made by the Ottoman chronicler Uskudari, who passed through Kucajna a month later. His record says that the town "has a small but strong stone fortress". New palisades were built between 1691 and 1696. They were possibly bigger than the previous ones, since the fortress of Kučajna not only served for the defence of the mine but had gained strategic importance. The number of soldiers at Kučajna fortress varied in relation to general circumstances in the Empire. In the second half of the 16th century, the number of garrison troops (Tur. mustahfız) was between 27 and 41; they were armed with rifles, and while arms and gunpowder were delivered from the arsenal at Smederevo, bullets were made at Kučajna. During the greater part of the 17th century, there were no major military conflicts in the Danube region and only about twenty janissaries (Tur. yerlü) were stationed in the fortress. One of the reasons why the number of soldiers was reduced was the fact that the nearby town of Majdanpek was becoming the mining centre of the region and had its own fortification. After the re-capture of Belgrade in 1690, the fortress of Kučajna became an important military stronghold with more than a hundred soldiers. Even after the 1699 peace treaty and establishment of Belgrade Frontier in 1702, Kučajna maintained a large garrison that included 73 yerlüs. For decades after its construction, the garrison of Kučajna was supported by the revenue from timars. According to the register of timars dating from the late 60s of the 16th century, 27 mustafhizs received income from 5 timars, four of which were in the nahiye of Mlava and comprised the villages of Bradača, Kobila, Mala Duboka, Slana, Crljenci, Rašanica and the Monastery of Oreškovica, while the fifth comprised the villages of Gornja Brestova and Sediče in the nahiye of Resava and the village of Sena in the nahiye of Pek. The village of Bradača with the annual revenue of 2800 akçes was the only independent timar and it belonged to the kethüda of the palanka. The other timar, the village of Kobila, with revenue of 2800 akçes was divided between two mustahfizs, and the third of 5600 akçes, comprising the villages of Mala Duboka, Slana and the Monastery of Oreškovica, was divided between four of them. The revenue from the fourth timar comprising the villages of Rašanica and Crljenci, in the amount of 12800 akçes, was used by two bölükbasís and seven mustafhizs. The fifth and the largest timar was worth 15400 akçes. Apart from the villages of Gornja Brestova and Sediče it included the unpopulated village of Sena. This timar was divided between 11 mustahfizs. This register does not contain information about dizdar's timar, but other documents show that his income was 3600 akçes. When the annual revenue from the timars is divided by 354 days of the Islamic year, it shows that the approximate amounts of per diems for dizdar, kethuda and mustafhiz were 10, 8 and 4 akçes respectively. Yerlü garrison troops during the 17th century were paid from the national treasury. Their pay often changed due to high inflation rates. Per diems of yerlü janissaries after the Viennese War were 11 akçes. However, the treasury did not have enough funds to pay the troops, and the garrisons now leased the right to collect local tax. The first such example was recorded at Kučajna, where before the end of the war the yerlüs took under lease the revenue of the devastated mine for only 250 groschen a year. Upon the expiry of the three-year lease in 1700, the yerlüs renewed the lease for 700 groschen. The collection of tax by the soldiers was a bad solution resulting in violence against the local population, embezzlements by commanders and overall breakdown of discipline. This was one of the causes of the Ottoman army defeat in the War of Varadin (1716-1718), after which Kučajna was part of the Habsburg Monarchy for more than two decades.
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The intention of the author is to make two articles, which could serve as a departure point for a comparative analysis of Uskoks and Wako piracy. In this, first, article, the author intend to discuss the case of Uskoks. He will address selected processes and phenomena from the history of Uskoks that can later be used as analytical units in the comparison of Uskoks and Wako. First, the author will question the relation of the Habsburg Empire with the neighboring powers as a basis for the comparison of the foreign policy of the Ming Empire. These two empires reached a major turning point and had the problem of the pirates in each in the latter half of the 16th century. Second, he will address the people called Vlachs. These were semi-nomadic cattle breeders who lived across the Balkans, who served in various imperial military units, and who made a large part of the Uskok population. The religious affiliation and ethnic background of Uskoks were rather complex, as well as in the case of East Asian pirates. Third, the author will discuss the policy of the Habsburg Empire towards the Vlachs, in order to compare the Habsburg policy with the Sea Ban policy of the Ming Empire applied to the Chinese marine commerce. Finally, based on reading and research, he decided to typify the activity of the Uskoks as the ‘war economy’ in order to later make a distinction with the case of Wako. Concerning the term ‘war economy’, this paper focuses on economic contingencies and activities in the state of war during the early modern transition period.
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In his work The Genealogy of the Servants of God and the Biographies of Devotees of God, the Belgrade mufti and muderis Muniri Belgradi presented two short stories told by a certain Mustafa-beg Halilbegović. These two stories tell that Mustafa-beg was a dervish who on his Sufi path had followed the famous Khalwati Sheikh Muslihuddin-Effendi from Srijemska Mitrovica.
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During the Ottoman reign in Slavonia (1526-1691), this province was an extremely wooded area and was sparsely populated; it can be assumed that more that 70% of Slavonia during that time was covered by forest. The proximity of the Habsburg-Ottoman border influenced the orientation of the exploitation of Slavonian forests to military logistic needs (construction, supply and maintenance of fortification, use of wood as firewood, for the production of military armament, bridges; pontoon bridges, ships and others).
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Faust Vrančić (1551 – 1617) is one of the most versatile Croatian humanists and polymaths whose scientific, literary and political activities deeply marked both Croatian and European intellectual culture and at the turn of the 16th century. In the manner typical for late humanist scholar, Vrančić assimilated, combined and creatively modified features of various intellectual traditions which fashioned the complex structure of the Renaissance episteme, from Aristotelism and Scholastics to Renaissance Humanism and Reformational Catholicism. By examining technical, linguistic, philosophical, hagiographical and historical works by Faust Vrančić, the complex configuration of late Humanist intellectual culture between Meditteranean and Central Europe has been highlighted. As a consequence, it can be stated that Vrančić was not only its highly competent participant but also one of its most creative and imaginative creators.
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U radu je predstavljen upravno-pravni status kadiluka Gračanica u Zvorničkom sandžaku. Naime, kadiluk Gračanica je osnovan početkom 1572. godine izdvajanjem nahija Nenavište, Srebrenik, Soko i Gračanica iz Zvorničkog kadiluka i pretvaranjem u poseban kadiluk. Nahija Sokol nazvana je po istoimenom srednjovjekovnom gradu kod Gračanice. Vjerovatno je Sokol i u predosmansko doba bio središte župe kad je 1533. godine bio središte istoimene nahije koja se tada prvi put spominje.U nahiji Sokolu, ne samo što je postojala istoimena tvrđava sa malenom varoši Sokolom, podgrađem te tvrđave, nego se dalje odatle, prema jugozapadu, na rječici Sokoluši, od nekadašnjeg rudarskog sela Gračanice rapidno razvijala kasaba Gračanica.
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Bessarion’s disputation dedicated to the verse of St. John’s Gospel “Si eum volo manere, donec veniam, quid ad te?” is a polemical treatise against George of Trebizond’s interpretation, written first in Greek and then translated into Latin in the mid-15th century, although accurate dating remains a matter of some debate. Conclusions presented in the Cardinal’s treatise by the seem to be vital in regard to theological solutions based on grammatical and logical premises and in relation to the history of textual criticism and Renaissance translation theory. Bessarion’s attitude toward Holy Scripture emerged from the writings of Saint Jerome and Augustine, as well as from the pre-scholastic Suffraganeus Bibliothecae of Nicolò Maniacoria. He may also have drawn inspiration from authors such as Lorenzo Valla and Erasmus of Rotterdam. The first printed Latin edition of the work (1532) was highly recommended by Johannes Brassicanus.
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Opširni popis vlaha stočara Zvorničkog sandžaka iz 1528. godine – nahija Soko, Istanbul, BBA, TD, No 405. Orijentalni institut Sarajevo, kopije No 91, iz 1528.godine - Naseljavanje novog stanovništva, stočara (vlaha).
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Istambul, BBA, TD, No 260; Opširni defter Zvorničkog sandžaka iz 1548. godine, original u Bašbakanlik Aršivi u Istambulu, Tapu Tahrir Defter No 260
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Za istraživanja ukupnih, a posebno detaljnih prilika u Gračanici i okolini na početku turske uprave najvažniji su izvori turske provenijencije. Radi se o katastarsko - poreskim popisima (Tapy defteri) za ovaj dio Osmanskog carstva. Ti nam izvori pružaju obilje konkretnih podataka za Gračanicu i okolinu tokom čitavog 16. pa i početkom 17. stoljeća. Iz njih se može dosta saznati i o prilikama iz prethodnog perioda. Ti su defteri naročito korisni za istraživanja razvoja naselja i stanovništva, jer dosta govore i o konkretnom izgledu naselja - sa teritorijalnog i urbanog stanovišta. Vrlo malo su do sada korišćeni za detaljnije studije teritorijalnog i urbanog razvoja naselja gračaničke općine.
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Paralelno sa opisanim gradskim naseljima razvijala se i Gračanica. Međutim, dok su ta druga naselja (Zvornik, Srebrenica, Gornja i D. Tuzla) nastavila svoj razvitak na već stečenoj varoškoj osnovi, Gračanica nije imala tu tradiciju, ona se razvila u kasabu iz jednog rudarskog sela. Dotle je predstavljala samo veće selo gdje se kopala željezna ruda i talilo željezo i kao takvo spadalo je u carski has. Status kasabe dobila je nešto prije 1548, kada se ona u popisu iz te godine izričito navodi kao kasaba.
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Preuzeto iz knjige “Dva prva popisa Zvorničkog sandžaka (iz 1519. i 1533. godine", Grada, Knjiga XXVI, Odjeljenje društvenih nauka knj. 22, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti BiH, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, dešifrovao, Preveo i obradio Adem Handzić, Sarajevo 1986. godine, str. 199 - 205, napomene i naslov: redakcijski
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Iz istrazivackog projekta «Gračanicki kraj u tursko doba», koji je po narudžbi Opštine Gračanica, vodio rahm. dr. Adem Handzić. Materijal se nalazi u Zavičajnoj zbirci Gračanica
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The aim of this paper is the reconstruction an Old Polish book col-lection which was once stored in a conventual library of Dominicans from Piotrków. A typical for monastic libraries scheme of classifica-tion will be applied here, as it is based on original library inventories from the first half of XVII century, that will be further presented in detail, as well as on preserved books of Piotrkow province spreadamong various Polish libraries. Maciej Sysyniusz (“Kąkol”) – the greatest donor of local convent of Preacher Brethren library will be also briefly presented in this paper.
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Using games as a theoretical structure helps to bridge the gap between Renaissance expectations and modern wishes concerning Kate's behaviour and Petruchio's treatment of her in William Shakespeare's The Taming of the Shrew, allowing us to recognize which of the two main characters‟ actions are for entertainment only and which are intended to produce significant and lasting results that benefit the players and contribute to the forward movement of the play. Two different game structures exist in The Taming of the Shrew. The sparks of sexual tension are the most readily apparent indication of the linguistic game, but an analysis of the underlying social games reveals that their relationship is largely about restructuring Kate's voice and actions in a more acceptable fashion for a Renaissance audience. The key difference is that, while society and/or characters are unchanged by a recreation game, in re-creation games both are transformed in permanent and significant ways.
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