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In the second half of the 19th century, as the acts of repression effected by the Russian tsarist authority gained momentum, Lithuania lost the last remnants of cultural autonomy and began sinking into provincialism. Nevertheless, the introduction of modern modes of communication opened up new possibilities for the contact with the world. Following the establishment of St Petersburg-Warsaw railway line running through Vilnius in 1862 and the Liepaja-Romny line crossing Siauliai in 1873, Lithuania became a crossroad for both trade and culture. The range of imported household products and luxury goods offered in Vilnius and Kaunas increased significantly; a considerable amount of products were imported from exotic regions, such as the Caucasus, Middle Asia, and China.The number of businessmen, artists and entrepreneurs passing through Lithuania increased. More books on travel became available. In addition to this, more and more frequently the residents themselves set out on distant journeys. Regular contact with different nationalities and cultural traditions of foreign countries changed the mentality of Lithuanian urban society of the second half of the 19th century: the old values of the class-based society started to vanish, the population developed a more cosmopolitan and eclectic outlook and was getting accustomed to novelties, and the aesthetic tastes underwent liberalization. Such conditions formed the background for the spread of modernist ideas.
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Two census documents containing summary data for the former military communities Pančevo and Bela Crkva in the Banat region of the Military frontier are hold at the Austrian state archives in Vienna. Both documents contain data for the years 1812 and 1813, and thus a year to year comparison is possible. In the case of Pančevo, certain changes in population indicate a noteworthy immigration to the city occurred. Important information about demographic (population by status, religion etc.) and economic (number of livestock, land usage specifications, tax revenue etc.) structures are available for further scientific research.
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The Agricultural School in Kraljevo was established in 1882 based on the Law on Lower Schools for Rural Economy. The Serbian Agricultural Society and former professors of the Agricultural School in Topčider and the Agricultural Forestry School in Požarevac played an important role in its establishment. Đorđe Radić, who was the school principal in three instances (1882–1889, 1892–1893, 1895–1897), doubtless gave the main contribution to its establishment and operation in the first decades of its existence. During the first years of its work, this educational institution faced great temptations. The mistrust towards the work methods in the school and agricultural education in general was present in the public for a long time. Dilemmas concerning the objectives of such type of education resulted in different forms of public criticism, including rumours. Prompted by frequent rumours about the bad state of the school and the students’ lack of knowledge, Minister of Finance Čedomilj Mijatović, who was also Acting Minister for National Economy, delegated Sreten L. Popović, president of the Serbian Agricultural Society, to make an inspection of the school and submit a report. The departure of Sreten L. Popović to Kraljevo in summer 1886 primarily concerned the case of the first factory of agricultural appliances, opened by Aksentije Bogdanović and Srećko Vasić. After he finished his work relating to the factory, Sreten Popović visited the Agricultural School. He visited the premises where silkworm was cultivated, as well as the stables and the small experimental field, consisting of several beds sown with hulled wheat and forage crops. He also familiarised himself with the number and quality of the school’s agricultural machinery and tools, while the students showed him how they handled these machines in practice. During the inspection, students’ knowledge was checked also in regard to fruit growing and grafting, farming, cultivation of some industrial plants, various types of soil and the purpose of some agricultural appliances. Sreten L. Popović was so satisfied with the demonstrated knowledge that he recommended to the Minister the organisation of public exams at the Agricultural School, as a type of agricultural courses. The main remarks concerned the lack of soil for experimental fields and pasture, the lack of a school orchard, and the method of cultivation of silkworms. A great number of these remarks were adopted and over the following two decades the school experienced great progress as it increased its movable and immovable property and introduced new and modern methods of production and processing.
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After the Congress of Berlin, Serbia began to increasingly rely on the Austro-Hungarian Empire, at the same time distancing itself from Russia. The peak of Serbia’s foreign policy reorientation came in 1881, when the Secret Convention was signed and when Metropolitan Mihailo, a great Russophile and the supporter of good Serbian-Russian relations, was overthrown. The 1881–1889 period was very tumultuous in Serbian history and in the history of the Orthodox Church in the Principality/Kingdom of Serbia, as well as for Serbian-Russian relations. It ended with the abdication of King Milan and the formation of a regency, which ruled instead of Prince Aleksandar, who was still a minor. This work is a critical edition of twenty three documents, of various content, from six different archival institutions of Moscow and Saint Petersburg. The edited documents enable us to see how Russia looked upon the events in Serbia and upon resolving of the “church question”. They also testify to details from the life of Metropolitan Mihailo on the eve of and during his emigration. What is especially valuable are the secret reports from Belgrade of minister resident A. I. Persiyani, which clearly show the official Russia’s stand, as well as a letter of Metropolitan Mihailo to Russian Emperor Alexander III, in which he asked him for help during emigration. Along with the documents of official state institutions, the edited personal correspondence also sheds light on Metropolitan Mihailo’s activities during emigration and upon his return to Serbia (1881–1890).
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Gerasim Vasilevich Vaschenko, born in 1790, was the first Russian consul in Serbia. Like the majority of Russian diplomats in the Ottoman Empire, he began with his service in the Russian legation in Constantinople. As a dragoman (interpreter), he was perfecting his French and Turkish, and gaining practical knowledge necessary for diplomatic work. At the time of the Greek uprising, he was secretary to the commission for sheltering Greek refugees in Odessa (1821–1826), member of the Russian delegation in negotiations with the Turks in Akerman (May–October 1826), and member of the Russian mission in Wallachia and Moldova (1828–1830). He was the first Russian consul in the territory of present-day Bulgaria in Sliven (1830–1833). He also served as a consul in Orșova, Wallachia, from 1837 to 1838. Vaschenko’s consulship in Serbia (1838–1843) may be tentatively divided into three phases. In the first phase (1838–1839), he worked on suppressing British influence in Serbia, supporting the opposition in its struggle against Prince Miloš. A change in the course of Russian foreign policy at the time of the second Egyptian crisis of 1840/41 resulted in Vaschenko’s active support of Prince Mihailo’s Government in 1841/42. The Russian influence in Serbia diminished significantly with the outbreak of Vučić’s riot in 1842 and the banishment of Prince Mihailo. Vaschenko’s consulship did not help improve relations between the Russian Empire and the Principality of Serbia. This was due not only to differing state interests, but also to Vaschenko’s traits – his presumptuous behaviour and aderisive attitude which was off-putting rather than appealing.
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Big changes which took place in Europe in the sixties and seventies ofthe 19th century also reflected on society. In Russia, a new intellectual movement emerged – Pan-Slavism, which often worked to the benefit of the official foreign policy of the Russian Empire. The leading publicist of Russian Pan-Slavism was Rostislav Andreyevich Fadeyev (1824–1884), a resigning general. His basic idea concerning the Eastern Question was to initiate a pan-Balkan uprising, to be joined by the Russian Empire, leading to the liberation and unification of all Slavs into a pan-Slavic federation, seated in Tsarigrad, under the auspices of the Russian Tsar. The necessary condition precedent for the establishment of a common Slavic state was the destruction of Austria-Hungary. That was exactly the essence of Russian Pan-Slavism. Highly interested in solving the Eastern Question “in Russian spirit“, R. A. Fadeyev saw his opportunity in the outbreak of the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–1878). Between 1876 and 1878, with the support of the highest Russian officials, general Fadeyev travelled to the Balkans on several occasions, trying to influence the course of events there by his actions. His activity was embodied in the whole-hearted support to Bulgarians because Tsarigrad, by its nature, was accessible only via Bulgaria. He strongly believed that with military cooperation between Balkan allies and the Russian Empire, Tsarigrad could fall into the Russian hands. The Treaty of Berlin represented a great defeat for Russian Pan-Slavism. As a typical representative of Russian Pan-Slavists, during the Berlin meetings of the European powers’ delegates, general Fadeyev, with the support of Russian officials, tried to instigate new turmoil in the Balkans; however, that was no longer possible.
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In the context of the final phase of the Eastern Crisis of 1875–1878, solutions of the Congress of Berlin and implementation of its decisions by the International Commission for the demarcation of Serbia in 1878–1879, one of the less significant issues that arose was that of the border on the Drina river. During the demarcation of 1878–1879, the majority of the commissioners observed this issue as a matter of relations between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, and they reacted primarily at the initiative of the Austrian commissioner. The work of the International Commission, and the position taken by Serbian diplomats and commissioners, can be analysed through the perspective of defining a new system of international relations after the Berlin Congress, and, in this context, defining the position of newly independent Balkan states, including Serbia. At the micro level, the conflicting views of representatives of the major powers in connection with the demarcation of new Serbian borders, reflected deeper strategic concepts of their governments regarding the preservation and strengthening of their position in the Balkans. The issue of the border on the Drina river indicated the possibilities of action of a nominally independent Balkan state neighboring a great power which had to prove its strength primarily through the expansion of its sphere of influence in the Balkans. The basis of the Monarchy’s policy was the attitude that in all issues that could be defined as bilateral, the possibility of interference of any other power had to be excluded.
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The question of the Iron Gates was an important part of the overall foreign policy of the Principality/Kingdom of Serbia in the second half of the 19th century. After the Paris Congress of 1856 expanded the provisions regarding the freedom of navigation on the Danube, this river gained an increasing importance. The dominant position on the Danube was occupied by the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, which – in order to make better use of the Danube waterway, aimed to get a mandate to arrange the Iron Gates at the London Conference in 1871. The Iron Gates was the hardest part of the Danube for navigation. Since the Principality of Serbia had an entire Danube bank, its voice had to be heard in terms of its arrangements. Serbian diplomacy and support of the High Porte spoiled the Austro-Hungarian plans. However, in the new circumstances at the Congress of Berlin, AustriaHungary was given a mandate for the execution of works at the Iron Gates. Serbia had to agree with that even in the Andrassy-Ristić text of the Convention. By the mandate given to it in 1878, Austria-Hungary implemented the works from 1890 to 1895. It built several channels, implemented hydraulic engineering projects and set up signal stations, which were to ensure greater bandwidth and safer navigation through the Iron Gates. The most important object of the regulation works was the Sip channel. The opening ceremony was attended by the rulers of the three coastal states in the Iron Gates. The Iron Gates set up in the late 19th century lasted until the construction of the hydropower and navigation system Iron Gates in the second half of the 20th century.
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The constitutional reform of 1888 had a strong impact on Serbia’s political and constitutional life. The multiannual struggle of the People’s Radical Party culminated in passing of the constitution by the principle of majority. The position of the Radical Party was changed from the ground as it came to power and made its own cadre consisting of young intellectuals. The analysis of the overall work of the radical government from 1889 to 1892 indicates that the radicals on the one hand made great effort to introduce the constitution into the political life of Serbia, and on the other to limit the ruler’s power. However, it should not be forgotten that the parliamentary regime on which so many radicals insisted was gradually turning into a totalitarian one-party system. The parliamentary system that enabled the absolute power of the Radical Party in all state institutions was short-lived. King Alexander had an immense wish to bring an end, as soon as possible, to all new things introduced by the parliamentary system, which is why he was constantly fighting with the political parties and very frequently insisted on a coup.
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Árvai Tünde: Városanyák. Mozaikok a pécsi nők 19–20. századi történetéből. [Pécsi Mozaik 5.] Kronosz Kiadó – Pécs Története Alapítvány, Pécs, 2016.
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We still cannot explain the origins of life on Earth. Theories concerning this subject have to take into account not only the formation of organisms from available macromolecules such as amino acids or purine and pyrimidine nitrogen bases, but also the processes of forming large and complex molecules from small and simple ones. That is, namely, chemical evolution. This may have occurred both on the early Earth and in Space. As such, prebiotic molecules could have been delivered to the surface of our planet or formed directly on it. Studies of the elongation of cyanopolyynes and dicyanopolyynes – potentially prebiotic molecules that have been discovered in interstellar space – allow a glimpse into one step of chemical evolution. These molecules are of interest to modern astrophysics and astrochemistry.
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The coup d’état from February 1866 is the first event of this kind in the modern and contemporary history of Romania. Subsequently, similar scenarios occurred in 1930, 1940, 1944, 1947 and 1989, of course, with different purposes and different protagonists. But they can neither be compared, nor analysed from a similar perspective with the event from February 1866. The modern and contemporary “plotters” have presented their actions as “revolutions”, in accord with the will of the people, which represents an extreme position and a blameable historical fakery. On February 11, 1866, the planners of the coup d’état chased Alexandru Ioan I away for personal and group interests, being legitimated neither by the people, nor by the international conventions established by the Great Powers of those days. After 14 decades, even if the event could be thoroughly and honestly analysed, the explanations given by the historians generally don’t represent the result of a complete and non-partisan analysis. The article hereto embarks upon an analysis of the limits of the loyalty of politicians and responsible institutions, without laying the blame on anyone due to lack of proofs. Our contribution consists in presenting several essential aspects of the event: the irresponsibility of plotters who put the unified Romania – this centuries-old dream of the people – in danger, the lack of diplomatic and media aspects of the actions and, the most serious thing, the presentation of the “revolution” as a legitimate action performed in the name of the entire nation.
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The paper draws attention to a not so well known story related to the 1877–1878 Ottoman-Russian war. According to some sensational stories published in the late 1881 first in England and afterwards in the United States, Australia, New Zealand and continental Europe, a cargo of about 300 tons of bones, shipped from the Ottoman port of Rodosto/Tekirdağ to Bristol, England, contained a large portion of human bones supposedly belonging to the Ottoman soldiers who fell in the 1877 battle of Plevna (today’s city of Pleven, Bulgaria). As a matter of fact in those times it was a well-established practice to ship animal bones from the Ottoman Empire, in particular from the Rodosto/Tekirdağ region, which was known to be a bone-collecting place, to Western Europe in order to be used in the manufacturing of phosphate fertilizers for the agriculture. Although the Levant Herald, a private Istanbul-based newspaper, had denied the story as being incorrect and irrelevant shortly after, historical works and memoirs later gave credit to the Plevna bones story. While drawing attention to some archival sources and concluding that the 1881 Plevna bones story is indeed incorrect as already claimed by the Levant Herald, the paper deals also with the political use of this sensational story in the modern Bulgarian historiography.
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Since the start of their construction in the late 19th century, the terraced gardens of the Peleş castle underwent, over time, various stages of transformation starting with their architectural image, iconographic programs and vegetal composition. By these means, this study will analyse their past, a number of intended consolidation projects that were never implemented and also some historical plans for the construction of new terraces, and will offer a series of principles and possible ways of restoring the landscaping complex so as to highlight and upgrade this important part of the Romanian national immovable heritage.
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Jusuf Krnić (1812-1874 u Podgorici, Osmansko carstvo), poznatiji kao Juso Mučin, kako su ga zvali Podgoričani (po ocu Muči), svakako je jedna od najpoznatijih ličnosti u staroj Podgorici u XIX vijeku, koja je ostavila svoj pečat u vremenu, ali i jedna od najkontroverznijih. O njemu se pisalo1 ali ni približno onoliko koliko je opisan atentat na njega, pokolj koji je nakon toga uslijedio, diplomatska kriza izazvana podgoričkim pokoljem i suđenje okrivljenima za isti. Jusuf se najčešće pominje u korelaciji sa čuvenom „Jusovačom“, nekadašnjom kaznionicom koja danas nosi njegovo ime, iako je ova ličnost bila mnogo važnija za Podgoricu u XIX vijeku od gradnje ili dograđivanja jednog zatvora po kojem je ostao upamćen.
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The conservative government of 1891-1895 represents an issue that has aroused little attention and interest in the Romanian historiography, and when it did, the ideological reflex was not late to appear. With few exceptions, the common denominator of research conducted by Romanian historians upon this theme was always to construe an interpretative guideline, information brought „surprises” only through an ideological and informal leitmotif that somehow became „traditional”. Beyond the meanings of political history and the manner in which the conservative phenomenon was historiographically mirrored, so far, the contribution of some historians appears as having a tendency to order and make a complex reality more perceivable, in which the „political” doesn't express only through reform and development, but also through its main coordinate, which is power. Integrant and legitimate part of the fundamental themes of Romanian modern history, the conservatism approach in a gnoseological way, under its dual nature of ideology/doctrine and political party, has found in Romanian historiography a rather arid land. The selection we had in mind implies a rallying to the new methodological profile proper to the interpretation of the Romanian conservatism. Invariably, there are works that associate themselves to a predetermined trajectory of interpretation and which started from certain historiographical references, the information brought being attached to a purely ideological analysis. Therefore, the Romanian historiography could not escape the influences of Marxist vision, appeared with the prevailing of the communist ideology. The writings of that period offer a different picture of the events, according to the memoirist affinity for one party or another or the degree of personal involvement. If these were written in a subjective manner, the direction of historiography suffered the most from ideological pressures, the occurred interpretations distorting essential historical circumstances and subjecting history as a science, to an inappropriate treatment, with undesirable and important effects.
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