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Arthur Schnitzler was one of the most prominent representants of the so-called „Jung Wien”, i.e. the group of Vienna intellectuals, writers and artists around 1900. His dramatical and narrative works demonstrate characteristic traits, social, intellectual and aesthetical problems, and figu-res of the late k.u.k.-Monarchy, and although he was often considered as an author contributing to the „Habsburg myth”, he had a very sceptical and critical view about his time and the Vienna society of the turn of the century. Schnitzler’s works account i.a. for the ’language crisis’, the crisis of personality in a very special manner, and in his novellas he introduces experimental narrative tools (e.g. multiperspectivism, interior monologue, unreliability) which makes him to a prominently modern author.
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Hantos’ ideas contained progressive elements and made a realistic of-fer to the states of Central Europe. Its timing was unfortunate, however, because the new nation states’ desire for separation made its realization more difficult. Also, Germany’s breakthrough, and its new network of bi-lateral economic relations made virtually impossible the alliance of the Central European countries. Other attempts at integration have emerged too which also weakened the process. Hantos’ recognition, and offer of freedom from old grudges was a viable alternative to the weary nations of Central Europe. Elemér Hantos was a precursor of the spirit seeking the possible ways of coexistence, and no longer just for Central Europe, but for the whole of Europe: to emphasize what unites us, not what separates us.
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Life, later destiny, political and public work of Dr. Ágost Benárd, minister of welfare and labor and Alfréd Drasche–Lázár, extraordinary ambassa-dor and authorized minister, who were the signatories of the Peace Trea-ty of Trianon, on 4th June 1920 were beyond the scope of examination of the researchers and historians in the recent time. Present study is aiming to fill this gap, with presenting the two signatories’ political and public ca-reer. It covers their education, role in the First World War and their work between the two wars. It definitely refutes the allegations that Dr. Ágos Benárd and Alfréd Drasche–Lázár were weightless politicians who were willing to leave politics and who were voluntarily signatories of the peace treaty. By contrast, the study describes both politicians’ work after the signing of the peace treaty, and proves with persuasive arguments that they were two honest gentlemen, who were suffering of and said to be victims of the events, they were the formers of the 20th Century Central Europe.
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Gömbös Gyula (1886‒1936) prime minister of Hungary (1932‒1936) started his political carreer after the defeat of Hungary in the First World War as a well-trained and talented officer. On the basis of his radical views influenced by different effects and because of his policy as head of government many people considered him that he took over mainly Mus-solini’s and partly Hitler’s views and political practice and his thinking and discussing politics were characterized by these facts. This study analyses the strong similarities and the important differences among the ment-ioned three politicians in the area of the ideology and the exercise of po-wer. The differences in the internal conditions of the three countries and among the characters of the three politicians explain the said similitudes and the differences. According to the author it can be prouved that Gömbös tried to creat a system (diktatorship) that (1) is similar to the fas-cism and the national socialism; (2) it’s not a copy (except the unsuccesful trial of the acceptance of the Italian coorporate system), but it’s about be-ing in similar societies the politicians give similar answers to the challenges.
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Dr Latinka Perović je radila u Institutu za istoriju radničkog pokreta Srbije, kasnije Institutu za noviju istoriju Srbije od 1975. do 1998. godine. Njeno bavljenje istorijom društvenih ideja u Srbiji druge polovine XIX veka i rusko-srpskim vezama, tokom te 23 godine provedene u Institutu, rezultiralo je opusom od šest monografi ja (Pera Todorović, 1983, Od centralizma do federalizma: KPJ o nacionalnom pitanju, 1984, Srpski socijalisti 19. veka. Prilog istoriji socijalističke misli, 1-3, 1985, 1995, Planirana revolucija. Ruski blankizam i jakobinizam, 1988, Zatvaranje kruga. Ishod rascepa 1971-1972, 1991, Srpsko-ruske revolucionarne veze. Prilozi za istoriju narodnjaštva u Srbiji, 1994), kompletnim priređivanjem devet knjiga istorijskih izvora (pisma, članci, govori, dnevnici, uspomene, izabrani spisi: Pere Todorovića, Avrama Petrovića, Mite Cenića, Nikole Pašića), objavljivanjem više desetina studija, rasprava i članaka u zbornicima i naučnim časopisima u zemlji i inostranstvu, velikim brojem predgovora i pogovora u izdanjima istorijskih izvora za XIX i XX vek drugih autora kao i nizom prikaza istoriografskih dela. Dr Latinka Perović je održala takođe i veliki broj predavanja u zemlji i inostranstvu, učestvovala na međunarodnim i domaćim naučnim skupovima i bila promotor novih istoriografskih izdanja. Svojom ukupnom delatnošću ona predstavlja jednog od najplodnijih saradnika Instituta u njegovoj pedesetogodišnjoj istoriji.
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U bibliografiju koja sledi nisu uneti članci, intervjui i reči na promocijama knjiga, koji su objavljeni u raznim listovima i časopisima u državama nastalim posle raspada Jugoslavije, kao ni nekrolozi.
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Whereas historical, political and cultural studies reach the postmedieval period in Lebanon, interests for archaeological artifacts remains neglected.The archaeological excavations undertaken in 1996 and 1997 in Beirut, sites Bey 070, Bey 071 and Bey 111, led to the discovery of tableware ceramics (in the surface layers) dated to the 16th —19th centuries.In this paper, we examine tableware ceramics of various origins: Didymoteicho and Çanakkale (Thrace), Kütahya and Iznik (Analolia), Pisa and Montelupo (Tuscany), Albisola in Liguria, Varages in Provence, European porcelain, as well as local and/or regional ceramics.
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Çatışan taraflar için, hiç şüphe yok ki barışa karar vermek ya da çatışmayı sonlandırıp gerçek bir barış sağlamak son derece zorlu bir süreci de beraberinde getirecektir. Özellikle de yaşanan çatışma sürecinde şiddet dolu uzun yıllar varsa, yüz binlerce kayıp verilmişse ve bunlar toplumun hafızasına kazınmışsa. Böylesi bir çatışmada barışa varmak adına çok güçlü bir motivasyon şarttır çünkü barış ancak ve ancak tarafların bu yönde samimi bir niyet taşımaları sonucu mümkün olabilir. Diplomasi seçeneğine yönelmek, özel olarak müzakere seçeneğini kullanmak tarafların süreç üzerinde kontrol sahibi olduğu bir yöntemdir ve sonuç tarafların niyeti, sahip oldukları güç, mücadele verdikleri amaçlar ve uluslararası toplumun çatışmaya yönelik bakış açısı ile yakından ilgilidir. Barışı sağlamak adına çatışan tarafların basitçe al ver mantığına odaklandığı bir çözüm sürecinin işlemesi yeterli olmayacaktır.
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More than twenty years after the peak of forced migration process, we have an important bulk of knowledge related to this phenomenon thanks to many academic works conducted on its political as well as social aspects. We know that, being an involuntary form of migration, it differs considerably from the economic (i.e. voluntary) waves of migration both quantitatively and qualitatively: it is massive, unprepared neither in material nor immaterial terms, it leaves the migrants deprived of supporting resources from the village, the hostile environment in the urban setting marked by a stigmatising discourse. Thus, the consequences related to the integration-adaptation-survival of the forced migrants in the cities are also different.
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1853 yılında Amiral Perry’nin savaş gemileriyle Japonya’ya gelişi ile birlikte, Japonya’da büyük bir değişim yaşanmış ve 1868 yılında İmparator Meiji, gücü eline almıştır. Bu dönem ile birlikte, Meiji Restorasyonu başlamış ve Japonya, Batılı devletler ile iletişime geçerek onların kültür, bilgi birikimi ve teknik bilgilerini Japonya’ya getirmiş ve bu düşünce akımları içerisinde Emperyalizm kavramını da öğrenmiştir. Bunun ilk uygulamasını da Kore’ye limanlarını açması için baskı yaparak gerçekleşmiştir. Daha sonra ise, 1894- 1895 Çin-Japon Savaşı sonucunda, Tayvan Adasını, 1910 yılında Kore’yi topraklarına katmıştır. 1920 yılında Milletler Cemiyetinin kararıyla burada Güney Pasifik Mandası’nı kurması sürecinden İkinci Dünya Savaşında Çin, Çinhindi ve Pasifik Adalarını da içeren geniş bir coğrafyayı işgal etmesi ile birlikte tarihindeki en geniş toprak sınırına ulaşmıştır. Japonya, İkinci Dünya Savaşı sırasında topraklarına kattığı yerlerde yerli halklara yönelik sistematik bir biçimde Japon dili eğitimi uygulamıştır. Filipinler de Japon dili eğitimi uygulanmış yerlerden birisidir.
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The first philosopher Hypathia and her tragic death are less well known, and the Minoan Age of Crete Island management represents an egalitarian society in which women are equal to men. The eco– feminist movement was founded during radical and turbulent social changes in the early eighties. Due to the effects of wars, global environmental movements and minority rights movements have joined forces to create a significant subversion of patriarchal–based theory. The author and environmental pragmatist, leading sociologist Jane Adams, winner of the Nobel Prize, who received her doctoral degree at Yale University and organized the Hull House project to investigate the behavior of immigrants, influenced the eco feminist pragmatism of Charlotte P. Gilman and Caroline Bartlett Crane. This position is later found in the works of well–known neo eco feminists and sociologists. It is necessary to implement deconstruction and demystification of patriarchal approaches to society and education, in order to form a contemporary sociological theory, involving women as authors and their achievements.
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In this paper, I will approach the celebrated masterpiece of nineteenth century American literature — Melville’s Moby Dick using the critical concepts developed by feminist and vegetarian critics within ecofeminist theory. Thus, we will first look at the cultural production of the texts of meat, which are developed by emptying out of animal subjectivity and treating animals as referents absent from the sphere of human morality. Next, we will look at the background of the Nantucket society and whale fishing industry, and its role in strengthening the texts of meat embodied in whaling. Also, the romanticizing of violence and myth making connecting the whale men with the hunters and pioneers venerated in the myth of the American frontier are then examined. The factory function of the whale ship is analyzed in terms of industrialization encroaching upon the world of nature, and of treatment of animals as consumable commodities. Lastly, the concept of »Manifest Destiny« is read through the spectacles of extinction of whales and other species.
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During the 19th century a new idea of a different belief system began to take root. The formation of this system took place with the help of a more serious approach to the treasure of folk traditions, skills, knowledge and practice. However, the system was also modernized by occultism, following contemporary culture and society, and very soon became adaptable to changes in the world. The name for both the system of faith and the members of that system is Wicca and it functions according to the vertical system. The aspiration is to grow upwards, towards the spiritual experience of the divine in and out of oneself. This movement is based on the philosophy of the religions of nature, folklore and mythology, adding the experience of the ancient, the arrangement of the occult, and the need to create a relationship with the modern world. The system is linked to the Code — set out in the Wiccan’s Rede (basic Wiccan ethical rules), and The Thirteen Principles of Wiccan Belief adopted in April 1974. In the Principles, in points 1., 2., and 13., they emphasize intellectual responsibility towards the environment, harmony of life with nature and ecological balance, and that within the Nature we should look for everything that contributes to our health and well–being.
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In The Poverty of Theory (1978) E. P. Thompson after a long period of theoretical silence in Marxist literature – especially “Western Marxism” – brings Friedrich Engels back in the very center of historical-materialist studies. Even though Thompson’s primary preoccupation is focused on a critique of Louis Althusser’s structuralist Marxism, he will simultaneously try to defend historical materialism from abstract and ahistorical theories by using Engels’ empirical template. Following Thompson, and in a similar vein, Marxist economist Paul Sweezy, in his introduction to his Four Lectures on Marxism, will strongly emphasize the importance of Engels’ approach to the dialectics and his critique of mechanistic and reductionist theoretical procedures. In this paper, we will try to briefly examine mentioned epistemological discussions inclined by Engels’ philosophy, but also take into account some of the recent eco-Marxist (John Bellamy Foster, Paul Burkett, Elmar Altvater) and feminist analyses (Lise Vogel, Michèle Barrett) which affirm but also criticize certain aspects of Engels’s social philosophy. In a way, we will try to give an overview and examine Engels’ presence in contemporary philosophy and theory in general, on the 200th anniversary of his birth.
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In the article I discuss the process of Engels’ search for a social alternative in the conditions of the pre-revolutionary crisis that struck Europe in the early 1940s. Twenty-two-year-old Engels became enthralled with it when he arrived in London in November, 1842. He was young, rebellious, of a brilliant mind and exploratory spirit. He belonged to a generation whose youth coincided with the culmination of the crisis of the Restoration period. Against this background, I want to look at the period that Engels spent between November 1842 and April 1845 in Manchester, where he arrived from his parents’ home in Barmen.
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Author revisits Engels’ study The Condition of the Working Class in England on the occasion of Engels’ 200th anniversary of birth. I examine and compare similarities of what was written 175 ago with contemporaneity. In this endeavour I rely on the same sources as Engels did: newspapers articles, official documents, reports, statistics and scientific studies. Hence the comparison can be made through examining topics such as: precariat and proletariat, migrants and their contribution to the functioning of (neo)capitalism, pregnancy and maternity discrimination, accommodation of workers and working conditions, housing and living conditions, the impact of the technological principle on the architecture and design of cities and districts, starvation and food insecurity and through artificial division of working and leisure time. I do not argue that things have remained completely unchanged. However, my examination reveals that in spite of the advancement in the past 175 years, same conditions that Engels described prevail mutatis mutandis today.
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This work examines the actuality of Engels’ text The Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science in the first fifth of the twenty–first century, taking into account the historical experience acquired within the hundred and forty years after its first release in 1880. The basic method used in the preparation of this work is the analysis of the content of Engels’ writings and its contextualisation within the historical specific social economic circumstances during the time of Engels’ life and today. The main finding of this work is that actuality of Engel’s text Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science rests on the continual existence of the capitalist mode of production internal contradictions, which, according to Engels, utopian socialism overlooked, but which scientific socialism has discovered through new historical materialist and dialectical study of class conflicts throughout human history. The main contradiction between the only socially usable production forces and private appropriation of the unapid for surplus labor of non possesing productive classes on the anarchic world market by the classes who posses the means of production, has not been overcome until our days. In the world proportions there still did not happen expected realisation of the revolutionary action of the exploited class of hired workers to create conditions for the leap into the realm of freedom, that is the taking of control of freely united producers over their own product. Elements of the utopianism of Engels’ writing originate from demoralizing pressure of the devastating consequences of the capitalist production mode, which reduces the conviction of potential subjects of revolutionary class alliance in the possibility of achieving the socialist “realm of freedom”. On the other hand, the author points out in this paper that in the case that there does not come to revolutionary leap from the realm of necessity of the anarchic capitalist merchandise production into the realm of freedom through the self–conscious and self organised revolutionary activity of all exploited and opressed classes, there wil come to the self–annihilation of the planet earth through human destructive, alienated and alienating action of acumulation of capital for the sake of acumulation, long before this annihilation was prediceted by Imanuel Kant and Laplace through the natural evolution of solar system.
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The article starts from the thesis that one of the main causes of the problems of building socialism in the 20th century is the neglect of morality in classical Marxism, analyses this neglect through a comparison of utopian and scientific socialism, and briefly follows Engels’ development from utopian socialism to scientific socialism and back. The conclusion is that the lack of morality in classical Marxism is not accidental, but that it is precisely this property that makes it untrue, but also an extremely effective socialist ideology at a time of the great crisis of capitalism. Such an understanding of Marxism is consistent with the important Marxist idea that the purpose of ideologies is not to be true, but to strengthen the economic system. In this sense, Marxism is an ideology of the collapse of capitalism.
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