Umjesto predgovora

Author(s): Jasna Turkalj,Zlatko Matijević,Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Nakon sloma političkih ideja koje su iznjedrile revolucionarna gibanja 1848./49. u zemljama je Habsburške Monarhije uveden režim neoapsolutizma, kojim je car i kralj Franjo Josip I., između ostaloga, kaznio buntovne Mađare, a “nagradio” sebi odane Hrvate. U neoapsolutističkom razdoblju, poznatome i kao Bachov apsolutizam, koje je potrajalo gotovo punih deset godina, mogu se pronaći početci pravaštva.

Prilog istraživanju pravaškog pokreta 1880-ih

Author(s): Jasna Turkalj / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Following the failure of the uprising in Rakovica in 1871 and its temporary disappearance from public life, the Party of Right resumed its active involvement in Croatian politics in 1878. Unlike the period before 1871, when a small circle of likeminded men had gathered around A. Starčević and E. Kvaternik, in the new circumstances the Rightist ideas spread broadly and grew into the basis of a nationalist movement. Representing the programme of an independent Croatian state outside of the Habsburg Monarchy even after 1878, the leaders of the Party of Right vehemently criticized the conditions created in Croatia by the 1868 constitutional agreement with Budapest and the opportunism and weakness of first the Mažuranić government, and then the government of Ladislav Pejačević. A steadily growing number of almost all of the disaffected from all strata in Croatian society gathered under the umbrella of the Party of Right. The elections to the Croatian Parliament in 1881, 1883, and 1884, which were all conducted in the face of open intimidation by the ruling regime, clearly showed the strength of the Rightist movement, as well as its tactics during the repressive rule of Ban Khuen (1887). Archival sources, the political press (both official and opposition), which is related to the pre-election activities, and the results of the elections offers a variety of data which contributes to a more complete picture of the Rightist movement. This paper will present, in chronological order, the results of analysis of sources which show the territorial extent (the gradual spread of Rightist influence throughout Civil Croatia and the former Military Frontier) and professional structure of the leadership of the Party of Right, that is, the representatives sent to the Croatian Parliament during the 1880s.

Jedan pogled na gospodarsku aktivnost pravaških vođa od 1861. do 1914. godine

Author(s): Mira Kolar-Dimitrijević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Rightist economic activity changed from case to case; it was strongly influenced by the regulations of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement of 1868. The article divides the economic management of the Party of Right into three time periods: 1. 1861-1871. Kvaternik writes his well known work Hrvatski glavničar (Croatian Capitalist) which points to the necessity of creating domestic capital and stimulating its growth with a stock exchange. His ideas did not find fertile ground because the members of the party did not recognize their importance. 2. 1878-1894 Following the quiet that descended upon Rightist ranks after the Rakovica uprising of 1871, the party activists returned to the political stage in 1878. Until 1890, F. Folnegović was the most important individual in the party concerned with economic matters. His efforts enabled the publication of official party organs and the construction of the Starčević Dom (Starčević House). 3. 1895-1914 In 1890, J. Frank joined the Party of Right. Even though he never established a particular economic programme for strengthening the Pure Party of Right, he can largely be credited for the fact that the coffers of the Party began to receive important contributions which he invested into party activities, but which he also used to initiate the development of industry and banking (for e.g., “Danica” in Koprivnica). During the term of P. Rauch as Ban, work was begun on establishing a Department of Economy for the Land Government, which in 1914 resulted in the creation of the fourth branch of this government, the Department of National Economy, which, even if it came too late, changed the very nature of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement.

Kad pravaši pođu različitim putovima: Frano Supilo i Josip Frank o “novom kursu”

Author(s): Jure Krišto / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The duality of Croatian political ideology, which in its most important aspects remains today, dates back to the 19th century. This duality did not develop into overt antagonism while the members of the National Party and the adherents of Starčević represented the opposing sides, but the antagonism becomes very apparent – and consequently fateful – from the time of the various fissures in the Rightist ranks. The antagonism in Croatian political ideology can be illustrated by comparing the ideological positions and political programmes of F. Supilo, a former Rightist, and J. Frank, a consistent, even if a somewhat radicalized and calculating Rightist. Their personal clash and the opposing quality of their respective ideologies culminated in the context of the promulgation of the Rijeka Resolution and the creation of the Croato-Serb Coalition. This review article begins by outlining the situation on the Croatian political scene in order to emphasize the unique quality of the political and ideological clash between Supilo and Frank. The next part of the review takes a look at their direct confrontation in the news reporting around the politics of the “New Course” and the Rijeka Resolution. The article ends by presenting some conclusions which should help in understanding Croatian political and ideological antagonisms in the era that followed and which are still apparent today.

Pravaš i svećenik – skica za portret Jurja Tomca

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Juraj Tomac (1866-1930), a Catholic priest and Rightist, is an example of “a man from humble origins” who played an important part in the political life of the Croatian nation in the period from the end of the 19th century through the first half of the 20th century. He was an individual who combined within himself a belief in the Catholic Church and a great dedication to the struggle of the Croat people for independence. This article describes Tomac’s contribution to State Right ideology generally, as well as his relationship to the leaders of the various fractions of the Party of Right (A. Starčević, M. Starčević, J. Frank, etc.). Because of his political activities, Tomac was constantly in conflict with the ruling authorities, first with those of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and later with those of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which led on two occasions to his incarceration. Tomac’s activities did not receive a great deal of support from his superiors in the Catholic hierarchy either, so he was often forced to move and change positions. As a convinced Rightist, he was often in conflict with adherents of Radić’s peasant movement. Despite all tribulations, Tomac remained committed to his political beliefs until the end of his life.

Az első világháború következményei a kelet-közép-európai kisállamok geopolitikai sorsában

Author(s): Imre Garaczi / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

From the beginning of the 19th century, the newly emerging nationalistic sentiments characteristically took the guise of some ideology (other than nationalism). People belonging to small ethnic groups felt their authentic national existence threatened by the frequent recurrence of dynastic hegemonies on the one hand, and the interests of neighbouring nations on the other. At the same time, nationalism provided fuel for courage to face the future and possibly build a more fortunate and more modern society. Nationalistic sentiments were in the beginning tied to various other ideologies but from the start of the 20th century they became ideologies in their own right. This phenomenon continued to exist in Eastern Europe after World War II, even under Soviet dominance. In my paper I examine mental factors in the region and their effects on the situation that emerged throughout the 20th century.

Kivándorlások J. Győri László Frank Tiborral beszélget könyvéről

Author(s): László J. Győri,Tibor Frank / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Három az egyben: hősi halott, áldozat, felelős

Author(s): András Gerő / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Nyitott vagy zárt társadalom. Fordulatok a 20. század első felében

Author(s): István Feitl / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Megjegyzések a német nemzetté válás és az egység kérdéséhez

Author(s): István Majoros / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

A zulu és kosza dicsérő ének (izibongo/iibongo) tegnap és ma

Author(s): Szilárd Biernaczky / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Magyarország helye Közép-Európában

Author(s): Béla Borsi-Kálmán / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Le mythe du fédéralisme en Europe centrale de 1848 à 1918

Author(s): Catherine Horel / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Hogyan tanítottak nyelvet a bécsi Keleti Akadémián?

Author(s): Zoltán Tefner / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Az Európa-gondolat fejlődéstörténete a második világháborúig

Author(s): Balázs Varga / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Tények és gondolatok a 19-20. századi magyar társadalomfejlődés néhány jellegzetességéről

Author(s): Béla Borsi-Kálmán / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Korai fajelméletek – Kontinuitás vagy diszkontinuitás?

Author(s): László Kiss / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Egy 80 éves történet

Author(s): Márton Maczák / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

A trianoni békeszerződés magyar aláírói:

Author(s): László Tamás Vizi / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Life, later destiny, political and public work of Dr. Ágost Benárd, minister of welfare and labor and Alfréd Drasche–Lázár, extraordinary ambassa-dor and authorized minister, who were the signatories of the Peace Trea-ty of Trianon, on 4th June 1920 were beyond the scope of examination of the researchers and historians in the recent time. Present study is aiming to fill this gap, with presenting the two signatories’ political and public ca-reer. It covers their education, role in the First World War and their work between the two wars. It definitely refutes the allegations that Dr. Ágos Benárd and Alfréd Drasche–Lázár were weightless politicians who were willing to leave politics and who were voluntarily signatories of the peace treaty. By contrast, the study describes both politicians’ work after the signing of the peace treaty, and proves with persuasive arguments that they were two honest gentlemen, who were suffering of and said to be victims of the events, they were the formers of the 20th Century Central Europe.

Gömbös Gyula

Author(s): József Vonyó / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Gömbös Gyula (1886‒1936) prime minister of Hungary (1932‒1936) started his political carreer after the defeat of Hungary in the First World War as a well-trained and talented officer. On the basis of his radical views influenced by different effects and because of his policy as head of government many people considered him that he took over mainly Mus-solini’s and partly Hitler’s views and political practice and his thinking and discussing politics were characterized by these facts. This study analyses the strong similarities and the important differences among the ment-ioned three politicians in the area of the ideology and the exercise of po-wer. The differences in the internal conditions of the three countries and among the characters of the three politicians explain the said similitudes and the differences. According to the author it can be prouved that Gömbös tried to creat a system (diktatorship) that (1) is similar to the fas-cism and the national socialism; (2) it’s not a copy (except the unsuccesful trial of the acceptance of the Italian coorporate system), but it’s about be-ing in similar societies the politicians give similar answers to the challenges.