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Ideals and delusions. Balkan War and catastrophe of 1913. The Great European war and involvement of Bulgaria. The 1918 catastrophe, its consequences for Bulgaria and the prospects. Published in 1926 by »Кооперативна печатница Гутенбергъ,«
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Author Iordan Georgiev is printed at the cover page as "Iordane Pope Guéorgieff". Second auhtor: " St. N. Chichkoff" The book is about: Aspect physique et population // Composition de la population sous le joug turc // Développement du grécisme jusqu'en 1872 // Développement du grécisme pendant les années 1872-1913 // a) Séparation des bulgares du Patriarcat . . . // b) La terreur grecque pendant les années 1902-1908 // c) Moyens divers // d) Ecoles // V. Conclusion. // VI Documents. // VII. Liste des documents // The Greek texts are translated into French. The list of documents can be downloaded in the introduction PDF file
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Radko Dimitriev (Bulgarian: Радко Димитриев) (24 September 1859 in Gradets – 18 October 1918 near Pyatigorsk) was a Bulgarian general, Head of the General Staff of the Bulgarian Army from 1 January 1904 to 28 March 1907, as well as a general in the Russian Army during the First World War. (Wikipedia)
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U „građanskom ratu sećanja” ovih dana je na nov način oživljen Sarajevski atentat. Okvir je ostao tanato-politički, ali se više ne eksploatiše samožrtvovanje Principa nego smrt Ferdinanda. Ko je odgovoran za to što su mladobosanci od tiranoubica postali teroristi? Svi oni u regionu koji strepe od jugoslovenstva i svi oni iz okruženja koji žele da rasterete vlastite nacije od imperijalističke odgovornosti za klanicu Prvog svetskog rata. Da li će oni uveriti javnost da su atentatori bili teroristi? Verovatno hoće zato što Princip danas nema valjanog advokata. Srušene su one strukture koje su Principa iznedrile i koje su ga docnije opravdano heroizovale. Država Jugoslavija je Principu s razlogom dizala spomenike i po njemu imenovala ulice. Danas nikakva kohorta blistavih istoričara ne može odbraniti Principa zato što nema južnoslovenske države kao ostvarenja mutnog ideala koji je vodio mladobosance. A što se rečena država danas više shvata kao iluzija ili kao tamnica to su veće šanse da Princip o neslavnom jubileju bude stigmatizovan kao terorista.
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Iz zbornika „Svakodnevica i društveni odgovori na epidemijske krize 1914-2020“, nastalog u okviru naučno-istraživačkog projekta „Čovek i društvo u vremenu krize“, urednik zbornika Milan Ristović, izdavač Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 2021. U članku se prikazuje život Beograđana krajem 1918. U danima slavlja zbog oslobođenja, stvaranja Jugoslavije i povratka u normalni život, stanovnike je kosio Španski grip. U članku se prikazuju razlozi zbog kojih je pandemija prošla gotovo neopaženo, uprkos visokoj smrtnosti.
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It was with great interest that I read, in the July issue of this journal, the article concerning "the conditions of a German-Polish understanding" by Casimir Smogorzewski, including the works: „Poalnd restored and the "Corridor", are well known to me. He, no doubt, too, starts from the idea that after the adoption of the Young Plan and the financial regulations, also valid for Poland, and after the evacuation of the Rhine territories, a new period of world politics begins, and that it is time, therefore, to discuss at least the Eastern problems. This is how I myself, in the January issue of the „Europäische Gespräche“, in which the editor of this review, A. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, and Georg Cleinow have studied very seriously the question of a German-Polish settlement. Smogorzewski is wrong when he presents the question of the "corridor" as if Germany were the only one to complain about it and that "none of the other signatories of the Treaty of Versailles were of our opinion". (by the author)
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Two political writers, perfectly qualified to expose and to defend the points of view of their countries, Mr. Casimir Smogorzewski and Mr. Professor Hoetzsch, former member of the Reichstag, have, in turn, treated in this review, and with an entire frankness, the important question of German-Polish relations, considered in their details and as a whole. To tell the truth, their theses collide on more than one point; and especially when they approach, in their courteous discussion, the subject of the “Dantzig Corridor”, one measures the depth of the abyss which separates them. However, both Mr. Casimir Smogorzewski and Professor Hoetzsch insist, in the conclusions of their interesting articles, on the need for Germany and Poland to maintain good relations and they underline the fact that the state of these relations determines, to a large extent, the very situation of Europe. It is from the angle of this axiom that we will place ourselves to examine here, in all objectivity, what must be thought of at present of the controversy of which the former province of Pomerelia — now commonly called the "corridor" — is the object.
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I do not need, at the beginning, to underline the importance of the problem which I am going to speak about. You all know like me that at Locarno, Germany formally recognized its western borders; the question of Alsace-Lorraine no longer exists either legally or even morally; the real center of international conflicting interests is the question of Germany's eastern borders; because if Germany has undertaken not to resort to force to modify them, it has not refrained from pursuing their modification by other means. This statement is of considerable importance and I believe that the press sometimes underestimates its importance. // But the fact that the Germans did not rule out the application of peaceful means, and in particular of article 19 of the Covenant, with a view to obtaining the modification of their eastern frontiers, has, for the international situation, serious consequences. disadvantages. The main thing is that, psychologically, Germany tends to demonstrate that the current situation is untenable, that the Treaties are "inapplicable", according to the terms of article 19 of the pact, and for this reason to make certain situations perhaps more difficult than they would naturally be.
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In the territory of the Military Frontier, the forests were the major natural resource. The Brod Estate Community (BIO) was in charge of the forests in the territory of the former Brod Regiment after it was abolished, to be exact, in 1873. The large land complexes of high quality forests provided great revenue. The management of the Brod Estate Community was regulated by the Law of Estate Communities in Croatia and the Slavonian Military Frontier from 1873. Representatives and the Economic Committee were the main governing bodies of the Brod Estate Community. Their working protocols provide the numerous challenges to sustainable management with which the bodies were confronted. In the forests of the Brod Estate Community timber thefts were frequent. Aside from that, many buyers of timber owed small or large amounts of money. It was also noticeable that some municipalities did not return borrowed money although the Brod Estate Community provided loans under very favourable conditions. Ultimately, the Brod Estate Community faced problems of fraud by the administrators using their official positions for illegal acts. This work endeavours to determine the extent of attempts to cause financial damage to the Brod Estate Community and how the members of the board tried to prevent these attempts.
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The Oak Extract Company Limited from Županja was one of the first, as well as one of the most significant industrial enterprises in Slavonia founded on foreign capital. The factory was opened in the early 1880s, being the first tannin factory in the Croatian lands. Facing different ups and downs, like changes in the ownership structure, it was active until 1930s. However, the factory lived through its golden age at the end of the 19th century. In the beginning, this foreign investment faced negative comments and assessments, mostly made by political opposition. Nevertheless, multiple positive effects related to this factory became evident soon enough. Because of that, initial negative preconceptions gradually gave place to the more favorable impressions towards the English-Canadian capital in Slavonia. Foundation of the factory presents an important point in the history of Županja and the surrounding area for its employment of 400 people in 1900. Moreover, additional profit-making opportunities emerged for the local population, such as kirijašenje (extracting logs out of forests).
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Slavonian forest resources attracted foreign investors who opened a certain number of industrial enterprises modernising the local economy on the basis of the capitalist paradigm in the late 19th and early 20th century. At the beginning, this wood-based industry was developing by employing seasonal workers, relatively uninterested in the organized labour movement. However, with the growing mass-production, population migrations and urbanization, more and more strikes occurred like the one in Osijek’s factory Povischil and Kaiser in 1905 which happened to be the first general strike in the Croatian history. In the following year, in 1906, Gutmann’s workers organized the strike in Belišće, as well as saw-mill workers from Brod na Savi who led the general strike in 1907. While authorities and entrepreneurs, owners of resources and the means of production, saw these actions as intolerable subversion, in the attempt to improve their wages, working hours, housing conditions and other issues workers’ experience ranged from Marxist radicalization to social-democratic reformism. In other words, aim of the article in question is to elaborate the number of conflicting perspectives drawn from three different strikes between 1905 and 1907.
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The financial reports and the budget of the Sabor (Parliamentary) Committee for the Fruška gora monasteries during 1906-1907 indicated that there were numerous problems concerning the financial resources required for the preservation of these significant monuments of Serbian culture and spirituality. Some of the monasteries were not capable of sustaining their fraternities or of bearing the financial burden of their immovable properties. When this is joined with the poor state of the finances of the Parliamentary Committee due to constant conflicts between radicals and conservatives and the irresponsible fiscal policy of many officials of the metropolis, it is evident that the Fruška gora monasteries had to survive serious economic crises year by year.
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Anti-German war propaganda in the Russian part of partitioned Poland was based on the very strong anti-German resentments prevailing among the Polish subjects of the Tsar Nicolai II long before 1914. Among other things, man accused the Germans of being responsible for the outbreak of war and committing war crimes against civilians for example in Kalisz. Such social attitudes were mostly a reaction to the Germanization policy consistently practiced in the Prussian part of partition Poland in the decades preceding the outbreak of the Great War. Resentment or even hostility toward Germany intensified during the revolutions of 1905–907, when Polish public opinion accused the Germans of blocking the Tsar's restoration of the autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland and readiness to intervene militarily to obstruct that. Resentment against the Germans was cumulative in the person of Kaiser Wilhelm II, who bore personal responsibility for the policy of denationalization of his Polish subjects. This made itself known, among other things, during the jubilee of the 25th anniversary of the reign of the German monarch in June 1913. Anti-German sentiment in Polish society was also fueled by the strongest Polish political grouping, namely National Democracy. The Russian authorities often tolerated anti-German sentiment among Poles, which was intended to divert attention of Poles from the policy of Russification practiced in the Russian part of partitioned Poland and allowed the channeling of Polish discontent in a relatively safe way for the authorities.
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The 1st Tank Regiment was the very first military unit in the whole history of the Polish army, which was full fitted out with tanks. Created on March 15, 1919 by order of the Command of the Polish Army in France, it went to the independent Poland in June of the same year. Equipped with 120 modern tanks, the Renault FT took an active part in the war with Bolshevik Russia. A little-known card in his history are relations with Łódź, where he was stationed for the first two years. Łódź was the place from the fighting vehicles went to the fronts of the war, here they also went from the battlefields for renovation. In Łódź, armoured soldiers quartered, continued their military training and participated in language courses. Some aspects of the regiment’s relationship with the city were reflected in the local press of the time: „Straż Polska”, „Kurier Łódzki”, „Głos Polski”, „Rozwój”, „Praca”. News, some small ads and press announcements supplemented with individual archives from the resources of the State Archive in Łódź such as iconography, files and ephemeral prints allowed to broaden knowledge about some important aspects connected with: the reviews of tanks organized for the local population, among whom they aroused great interest; participation of the regiment in parades accompanying state and military ceremonies or church devotions; minor incidents and accidents in the city involving soldiers and drivers; a volunteer enlistment to the unit conducted among the inhabitants of Łódź in the summer of 1920 and the ceremony of decoration of officers and privates from the 1st Tank Regiment Kris Virtuti Militari in June 1921.
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This article discusses the history of the German Thalia theatre in Łódź and its place in the wider context of the operetta industry of the early 20th century. The author draws attention to the challenges the Thalia had to face as a theatre operating in the provinces, which wanted to play the same modern repertoire as in European metropolises. It was difficult to fulfil these ambitions, among other things, due to falling attendance and the problem of keeping titles in the repertoire for longer and, consequently, financial difficulties. The theatre was also not helped by the scepticism of reviewers, who saw the operettas fashionable on European stages only as a temporary sensation. Meanwhile, operettas not only offered an escape from reality, but also subtly commented on social and political problems, making them a vehicle for the cultural politics of the era. Despite its commercial nature, the modern operetta had a deeper impact on the formation of societies and was an expression of mass identity. In this sense, it may have influenced the development of modern societies, including that of Lodz, which, on the eve of the First World War, tried to emulate the lifestyle of Western metropolises.
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